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BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

OF THE 

PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 



BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

' ' OF THE 

PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 



1608-1650 



Rendered into Modem English by 

HAROLD PAGET 




NEW YORK 
E. P. BUTTON & COMPANY 

681 FIFTH AVENUE 



^^2 



Copyright, 1909 
By THE JOHN McBRIDE CO. 

Copyright, 1920 
By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY 

All Rights Reeerted 



Gift 



3 



oJ^if 



Q /5 



6 J 

Printed in the United Stales of America 



Some Dates in the History of England, Holland, 

Spain, and America, which bear upon the 

Contents of this Book 



Discovery of America 1492 

Henry VIII of England. . 1509-1547 
Act of Supremacy (Secession of 

England from Rome) i534 

Edward VI of England.. .iS47-iSS3 

Mary I of England iSS3-i558 

Philip, son of Charles V of Spain, 

marries Mary I of England. . 1554 
Charles V of Spain hands over 
sovereignty of the Nether- 
lands to his son Philip iS55 

Charles V of Spain resigns his 
crowns to his son, Philip II ... 1 556 

EUzabeth of England 1558-1603 

Philip II returns from Nether- 
lands to Spain iS59 

Spanish Oppression of Nether- 
lands reformers 1565 

Netherlands rebel against Spain 1566 
Netherlands form Republic 

(Union of Utrecht) i579 

William I of Orange accepts sov- 
ereignty of HoUand: mur- 
dered: his son Maurice elect- 
ed Captain-General 1584 

England joins Holland against 

Spain 1586 

Defeat of Spanish Armada by 

England 1588 

Philip II of Spain dies: Philip 

III succeeds 1598 

James I of England 1603-1625 

Pilgrim Fathers fly from Eng- 
land to Holland 1608 

Truce of 1 2 years between Hol- 
land and Spain ,,.,,,,,.,,. 1609 



Landing of Pilgrim Fathers in 

New England 1620 

Philip IV of Spain: truce with 
Holland expires 1621 

Prince Maurice of Orange dies: 
his half-brother, Frederick 
Henry, succeeds 1635 

Charles I of England 1625-1649 

Charter granted to Massachu- 
setts 1629 

Puritan Emigration to New 
England increases 1630 

Archbishop Laud attacks Eng- 
lish Puritans 1633 

Writs for ship-money issued to 
EngUsh maritime towns 1634 

Marriage of William, son of 
Prince of Orange, to Mary, 
daughter of Charles I of Eng- 
land 1641 

William II of Orange succeeds 
Frederick Henry 1647 

Treaty between Holland and 
Spain 1648 

Commonwealth of Eng- 
land 1649-1660 

English Navigation Acts lead to 
war with Holland 1651 

Blake defeats Van Tromp 1653 

Charles II of England 1660-1687 

The Dutch lose New Amster- 
dam to England: renamed 
New York 1664 

James II of England 1685-1689 

William (of Orange) III and 
Mary H of England. . . . 1689-1702 



CONTENTS 



Book I — 1608- 1620. Persecution and Flight from England — 
Settlement in Holland — Passage to England and 
Voyage to America — Landing at Cape Cod and New 
Plymouth 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. Suppression of Religious Liberty in England — First Cause of 

the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement i 

II. FHght to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607- 1608. . . 9 

HI. Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620 14 

IV. Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to Decide 

upon Settlement in America 19 

V. Decision to make New England the place of Settlement in 
preference to Guiana or Virginia — Endeavour to obtain a 

Patent from the King of England: 161 7- 1620 24 

VI. Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the 
Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accom- 
plishment of the Settlement in New England: 1620 35 

^VII. Departure from Leyden — Arrival and Preparations at 
Southampton — Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to 

the whole party of Pilgrims : July and August, 1 620 49 

VIII. Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at 

Dartmouth and Plymouth: August and September, 1620. 57 
IX. The Mayflower sails from Plymouth — Voyage — Arrival at 

Cape Cod: September-November, 1620 62 

X. The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover 
the Harbour of New Plym.outh: November-December, 
1620 67 

Book II — 1 620-1 646. History of the Settlement at New Plymouth 

I. Deed of Government drawn up — Death of half their 
nimiber — Squanto — Compact with the Indians — Cap- 
tain Dermer's description of New Plymouth: 1620 75 

vii 



viii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

II. The Mayflower returns — Death of John Carver — William 
Bradford, Governor — Trade with the Massachusetts — 
The First Marriage — Friendship with Massasoyt con- 
firmed — Hobbamok — Expedition against Corbitant — 
The First Harvest — Arrival of Robert Cushman with 
35 settlers — Fortune returns, laden — The Narragansetts' 
challenge — Christmas Day: 162 1 g^ 

III, Weston abandons the Settlement — Dissensions among the 

Adventurers in England — Weston's plan for a Colony, 
and arrival of Sixty Settlers for it — News from Captain 
Huddleston of massacre in Virginia — Fort built at New 
Plymouth — Death of Squanto — Weston's Colony in 
difficulties: 1622 06 

IV. Rescue of Weston's Settlement — Weston arrives at New 

Plymouth— His reception and ingratitude — Individual 
planting of com substituted for communal— Hardships 
—John Pierce and the Patent— Sixty new Settlers- 
Compact between the Colony and private Settlers — 
Captain Robert Gorges, Governor-General of New 
England— Weston charged and arrested— Fire at New 

Plymouth: Storehouse threatened: 1623 m 

V. Changes in form of Government — Pinnace wrecked — 
Private Settlers make trouble — Winslow returns from 
England with the first Cattle— Faction among Adven- 
turers in England— Objections of • the Colony's 
opponents— Letters from John Robinson— Opposition to 
sending the Leyden people— One acre apportioned for 
permanent holding to each Settler— Ship-building and 
Salt-making— Trouble with Lyford and Oldham— 

Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624 i-,-, 

VI. Oliham and Lyf or 1 expelled— Lyford's Past— Reply of 
Settlement to Adventurers' Charges— Support from 
friendly group of Adventurers— Loss of two ship-loads 

of cargo— Captain Standish in England: 1625 158 

VII. Standish returns from England— Death of John Robinson 
and Robert Cushman— Purchase of trading goods at 
Monhegan— Isaac AUerton goes to England— Small ship 

built: 1626 ^ 

VIII. AUerton brings back Proposed Composition between 
Adventurers in England and the Settlement— Division 
of land and hve-stock among the Colonists— HospitaUty 



CONTENTS ix 



given to Fells-Sibsle Settlers — Pinnace and Depot at 
Manomet — Allerton returns to England — Greetings 
between Dutch Colony at New Amsterdam and 
Plymouth Settlement — Leading Colonists become re- 
sponsible for purchase of Adventurers' shares in England 
and buy rights of the Settlements' trading from the 
general body of Colonists for six years: 1627 174 

IX. Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading 
New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous 
London adventurers — Patent for Kennebec River pro- 
cured — Further Dutch intercourse — Trade in Wampum 
begun — Troubles with Morton in Massachusetts — John 
Endicott's arrival — Morton trades guns and ammimition 
to the Indians — Morton apprehended — Troubles begin 

with Isaac Allerton: 1628 188 

X. Arrival of the Ley den people — Allerton in England tries to 
get the Kennebec Patent enlarged — Morton's return — 
Further trouble with Allerton — The partnership with 
Ashley — The Penobscot trading-house — Purchase of a 
fishing-ship suggested — John Endicott at Salem — The 
Church at Salem: 1629 201 

XI. Ashley's beginnings — Arrival of Hatherley on the Friend- 
ship and Allerton on the White Angel — Hatherley 
examines the affairs of the Colony — Failure of AUerton's 
fishing voyage on the White Angel — Ashley apprehended 
and sent to England — -Discharge of Allerton from his 
Agency — The first Execution — Day of Humiliation 
appointed for Boston, Salem, Charlcstown, and New 

Plymouth: 1630 216 

XII. Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel and 
Friendship accounts — The White Angel let out to 
Allerton — AUerton's extravagance as agent — Josias 
Winslow sent from England as accountant — Penobscot 
robbed by the French — Sir Christopher Gardiner in New 
England — The Order of the Privy Council about New 

England: 1631 227 

XIII. Sale of the White Angel to Allerton— The White Angel 
sold in Spain — Hatherley settles in New England — 
Rapid increase of the Colonists' Prosperity — Divisions 
in the Church of New Plymouth — Wreck of William 
Pierce in the Lyon: 1632 , . . , 241 



X CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGB 

XIV. Trouble about the accounts of the partnership — Roger 
Williams — Establishment of a trading house on the 
Connecticut River — Trouble with the Dutch there — 

Fever at New Plymouth — Scourge of Flies: 1633 246 

XV. Hocking Shot at Kennebec — Lord Say and the Settlement 
at Piscataqua — Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston — The 
case of Hocking submitted to a Tribunal of the com- 
bined Colonies — Captain Stone and the Dutch Governor 
— Stone killed by Indians — Smallpox among the 
Indians: 1634 253 

XVI. Edward Winslow in England — Petition to the Commission- 
ers for the Colonies in America — Winslow imprisoned — 
The London partners withhold the accounts of the 
partnership — The French capture the trading-house at 
Penobscot — Attack on the French fails — Phenomenal 
Hurricane — Settlement of people from Massachusetts on 
the Connecticut River — Mr. Norton minister at New 

Plymouth: 1635 263 

XVII. Consignments of Fur to England — The plague in London 
— Disorganization of the accounts — Dispute between 
the London partners — The Pequot Indians get unruly 

— Oldham killed — John Raynor minister: 1636 275 

XVIII. The war with the Pequot Indians — Co-operation between 
the Colonies — The Narragansett Indians allies of the 
English — The Pequot Fort attacked and taken — The 
Pequots routed and subdued — The Narragansett Indians 
jealous of the Monhiggs under Uncas — ^James Sherley 
discharged from his agency in London: 1637 283 

XIX. Trial of three Murders — Rise in value of Livestock — 

Earthquake: 1638 293 

XX. Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and 
Massachusetts — First steps towards winding up the 
partnership by a composition: 1639- 1640 298 

XXI. Further steps towards the Composition between the 
London and New Plymouth partners — Dispute with 
Rev. Charles Chauncey about Baptism — Fall in value 
of livestock — Many leading men of New Plymouth move 

from town: 1641 305 

XXII. Conclusion of Composition between London and New 

Plymouth partners: 1642 312 



CONTENTS xi 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XXIII. Death of Mr. William Brewster — His Career — Remarkable 

longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims — 
Confederation of the United Colonies of New England 
— War between the Narragansetts and Monhiggs — 
Uncas permitted by the English to execute Miantinomo : 
1643 314 

XXIV. Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to 

Nauset — The Narragansetts continue their attack on 
Uncas and the Monhiggs — Truce arranged by the 

English: 1644 326 

XXV. The Narragansetts renew their attack on Uncas and 

hreaten the English — Preparation for War by the 

Colonies — Declaration of War by the English — Peace 

arranged and General Treaty signed by the United 

Colonies of New England and the Narragansetts and 

Byanticks: 1645 330 

XXVI. Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts — His 

death — Edward Winslow's long stay in England: 1646. 338 



INTRODUCTION 



During the last four hundred years the peoples of the 
Western world have been busily engaged in converting 
their governments — often forcibly — to practical Chris- 
tianity, in regard to their domestic affairs. 

The new era, upon which we now enter after the Great 
War, opens with a crusade for the application of Chris- 
tianity to international relationships. 

If the modern student sets up before his mental vision 
a moving panorama of the history of Europe through the 
Middle Ages, the most striking general feature is un- 
doubtedly the irresistible course of the growing stream 
of Freedom, touching and fructifying every section and 
institution of human life — the inevitable outcome of the 
evolution of Christianity made manifest in things tem- 
poral, and breaking through the ecclesiastical bounds so 
long set for it, as exclusively pertaining to things spir- 
itual 

The gospel of Jesus Christ had hitherto been regarded 
as a religious stream pure and simple, from which might 
be drawn, by priestly hands alone, refreshment for the 
spiritual life of man, offered to him in the sacerdotal 
cup, in such quantity and with such admixture of doctrine 
as seemed fitted to his spiritual needs, by those ordained 
to take charge of that department of his existence — ^the 
servants of the Mediaeval Church. 

Little by little Christianity discovers itself as no single 

ziii 



xiv INTRODUCTION 

stream Oi sacred water, limited by the shores of a pre- 
scribed rehgious territory. Here and there in the wider 
landscape it is gradually pushing a way out into the un- 
consec rated ground of the temporal domain, welling 
up through the ancient crust of Feudalism — bursting 
through it, submerging it, carrying it away, now gently 
and almost imperceptibly piecemeal, now in sweeping and 
irresistible torrents, passionate against its long subjection 
and suppression. This activity recognizes no national or 
geographical limits— it reveals itself now here, now there, 
fertilizing far distant spots of varying soil — some instantly 
generous to its live-giving influence, some slow to respond. 

Now watch its effect upon the inhabitants of the terri- 
tories through which it newly flows. Some, watching its 
uprising through the barren soil, stand amazed — doubtful. 
See them slowly approach it, and gaze upon it, awe-struck; 
they stoop, timorously — and drink; they pause — and stoop 
to drink again. Presently their singing eyes declare the 
secret they have won from it; a moment or two of forget- 
ful, selfish joy — and they turn away and hurry to impart 
the wonderful discovery to their comrades. So by degrees 
they come, a straggling, jostling, motley crowd — some 
doubting, some fearing, some realizing. 

Now see their priests hurr}ang, perturbed, to behold the 
rumoured wonder. What ! The sacred river has burst its 
banks! Hasten to guard it from the profane thirst of the 
multitude, and confine it to its sacred keeping! 

Impossible! Its upwelling pools and flowing tributaries 
are already too many — the priestly keepers now too few to 
preserve the discovered waters. For, as they stand watch- 
ing, troubled and amazed, behold the streamlets spreading 
themselves ever further, breaking forth unbidden, in every 
direction. 

They consult together. What shall be done? Counsel 



INTRODUCTION xv 

must be taken of their superiors, for this is too much for 
the lesser orders to cope with. 

And so, as we watch the scene, we hsten to the busy 
plans of princes of church and state, of Popes and Kings. 
Some would set about damming up these new unbiddable 
by-streams at their places of egress; others would divert 
their courses, turning them back into the parent-current. 

Too late ! too late ! 

Proclaim then, broadcast, that the people shall not drink 
at these waters, on pain of damnation. Meanwhile, hasten 
to secrete them again by some means — for if the once rare 
and sacred treasure, jealously guarded, comes, by supera- 
bundance, to be common and general, what function is 
left for the votaries consecrated to its preservation? 

But — oh horrible! — here is a dignitary of the state, there 
even a personage of the church, who will not be led to 
further the vast scheme of secluding the waters of these 
newborn rivulets from the vulgar gaze or the profane thirst 
of the laity. There follow sharp rebukes and rebellious 
retorts, inquisitions and excommunications; factions breed, 
and wrangling takes the place of deliberation. 

Slowly the scene's central interest changes for us, and 
we find we are watching, not the miraculous birth of many 
waters, but battling crowds of angry partisans, surging this 
way and that. Now a little band of stalwarts, who strive 
to keep the stream open to their fellows, is routed and dis- 
persed; now their following increases, and in due time 
their supporters are rallied again — sometimes to a tem- 
porary victory, with short lived reward and quick reverse, 
sometimes to repeated disaster and defeat. But ever the 
waters inevitably remain only half-guarded, and by ones 
and threes the people find their way to them, some 
stealthily, some definantly, and drink of them — and are 
sealed. The little bands of stalwarts grow to great follow.- 



xvi INTRODUCTION 

ings, and their trend is as irresistible as the source of their 
inspiration. 

Once again the scene changes. As our eyes wander over 
it, we see that it is not now a matter of mere civil warfare 
in isolated spots; it is the nations themselves that rage 
furiously together; the western world is one great battle- 
ground for the opposing forces. Treaties and wars, alli- 
ances and royal marriages, all are but the flotsam and jet- 
sam on the surface of this ever increasing, ever multiplying 
river, — sublime in the far-flung grandeur of its streamlets 
and tributaries, its still deeps and its raging cataracts — 
not one department of the whole landscape of human life, 
in all its variety, but reveals its vague new workings or its 
established deep-set currents. 

Ah! At last we realize it: this is indeed the river of 
Freedom, washing away, bearing away, surely, irresistibly 
— quietly if it may, turbulently if it must — the worn-out 
earth-crust of the moribund Feudal world, giving place 
to the bloom and blossom of a new era in the history of 
Christ's Kingdom on Earth and declaring the triumph for 
all time of Soul-Freedom for His people. 

It was He Himself, the arch-heretic. Who first broke 
from the doctrinal curriculum of the priestly caste of His 
day, to spread His gospel of Freedom to life's wayfarers — 
saint and sinner alike. The sword that He brought to break 
the head of the deadening, self-sufficient, Pharisaical peace, 
hung suspended the while over the world, awaiting the 
moment to strike. The sword has descended, and has 
severed the bonds of the centuries which roll away to give 
place to the new dispensation. Ex oriente lux ! To-day 
the East itself is just awakening to the dawning of the new 
day. Almost we hear a voice from heaven, declaiming over 
the dust of the mediaeval world : "Now is Christ risen from 
the dead, and is become the first fruits of them that slept." 



INTRODUCTION xvii 

My object In limning the foregoing sketch has been to 
present to the mind of the reader a setting for the ensuing 
remarks concerning "The History of the Plymouth Set- 
tlement," as recorded contemporaneously by Governor 
Bradford, the first cause of which enterprise was one of 
the most important episodes in the widespread movement 
whose course we have just been observing, — the episode 
which, above all others of that epoch, has produced the 
weightiest consequences in the history of the world. 

America was discovered by Columbus in 1492; Spain 
planted colonies on its shores in the i6th Century; English 
trading settlements were established in Virginia and else- 
where in the latter half of the same century. It is no mere 
claim of priority that lends historic importance to the foun- 
dation by the Pilgrim Fathers of the English colony at New 
Plymouth. The materialization of their objects was accom- 
plished by the same means as formed the basis of the earlier 
colonies: a trading enterprise supported by merchants in 
the home country. 

What, then, gives this particular project a prominence 
and significance which so utterly dwarfs its predecessors? 
It was the motive of its Founders. And what was that 
motive? Freedom of religious thought and practice, in the 
first place; of civil rights, in the second. It was the sub- 
lime ideal of this little band of Englishmen which gave to 
the New Plymouth colony (the nucleus of the other New 
England colonies) the honour and glory of setting its char- 
acteristic impress upon the greatest of the new nations of 
the world — the United States of America. 

The ideal aimed at we have probably grasped from our 
preliminary sketch of the general movement of western 
civilization out of the shackles of feudalism towards reli- 
gious and civil freedom. But the sacrifice involved in its 



xviii INTRODUCTION 

consummation, — do we realize its significance? Let us 
try to think what it means. 

Picture to yourself a group of citizens and their families, 
of good standing and of average education. In defiance 
of established law and order, and of the accepted, orthodox 
view of it, this little body of people pursues an ideal, vital 
to the peace of their souls, with a tenacity which implies 
certain loss of personal freedom and confiscation of prop- 
erty, with risk of death. Rather than be compelled to aban- 
don the pursuit of their ideal, these people voluntarily exile 
themselves from England, thereby depriving themselves of 
loved homes and dear friends and worldly possessions. 
After a few years of severe hardships in Holland, their 
newly adopted country, the seed they are nurturing is 
threatened once again. It must be preserved at all costs. 
They gather it up and bear it across the seas — fearful seas — 
and plant it once more, forming a little settlement in the 
savage, distant land of North America. For years they de- 
fend their treasure there against every conceivable attack 
by Nature and by man, encouraged solely by the conscious- 
ness that the plant they are tending is God's Truth — Free- 
dom for each man to honour and worship God as he sees 
Him. 

First picture this to yourself as if it were an incident 
of modern occurrence, and try to realize what would be its 
significance. Then turn your eyes upon our Pilgrims, and 
watch them through their persecution in mediaeval Eng- 
land; their flight to Holland; their hard sojourn there; 
their voyage across the wide seas of those days, and their 
settlement at New Plymouth — "in a country devoid of all 
civilized inhabitants, given over only to savage and bru- 
tish men, who range up and down, little differing from the 
wild beasts themselves. . . . What, then, could now sus- 
tain them but the spirit of God, and His grace? Ought 



INTRODUCTION xk 

not the children of tlieir fathers rightly to say: Our fa- 
thers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, and 
were ready to perish in tliis wilderness; but they cried 
unto the Lord, and He heard their voice, and looked on 
their adversity. . . . Let them therefore praise the Lord, 
because He is good, and His mercies endure forever. 
Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, show 
how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. 
When they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out 
of the way, and found no city to dwell in, both hungry and 
thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them. Let them 
confess before the Lord His loving kindness, and His won- 
derful works before the sons of men." 

As we read this paean of praise, penned by Bradford 
some ten or twelve years after their arrival, the reality of 
a sublime human sacrifice begins to shape itself in the mind, 
and our wonder rests upon the spiritual grandeur of the 
offering, rather than upon its world-wide consequences — 
of which the tale is not yet told. 

It was from such a body of Englishmen, with their 
burning ideals and consuming purpose, that a new national 
ideal emanated, and a new nation ultimately sprang, since 
typically identified with their devotion to Freedom. The 
eyes of hberal Europe were upon this little handful of un- 
conscious heroes and saints, taking courage from them, step 
by step. The same ideals of Freedom burned so clear and 
strong in future generations of these English colonists that 
they outpaced the march of the parent nation towards the 
same goal — and so, the episode we have just been con- 
templating resulted in due course in the birth of the United 
States of America ; in the triumph of democracy in England 
over the vain autocracy of a foreign-born king and his 
corrupt government; and, above all, in the firm establish- 
ment of the humanitarian ideals for which the English- 



XX INTRODUCTION 

speaking races Have been the historic champions, and for 
which the Pilgrims offered their sacrifice upon the altar of 
the Sonship of Man. 

In the words of Governor Wolcott, at the ceremony of 
the gift of the manuscript of Bradford's History, by Eng- 
land to America: "They stablished what they planned. 
Their feeble plantation became the birthplace of religious 
liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. To them a 
mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have made the 
civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which 
pictures our national life, the richest spots are those where 
gleam the golden threads of conscience, courage, and faith, 
set in the web by that little band. May God in his mercy 
grant that the moral impulse which founded this nation 
may never cease to control its destiny; that no act of any 
future generation may put in peril the fundamental prin- 
ciples on which it is based — of equal rights in a free state, 
equal privileges in a free church, and equal opportunities 
in a free school." 

For some years many have trembled for the fruits of the 
Pilgrims' sacrifice. It seemed that the press of the chil- 
dren's hurrying feet had raised such a dust as to obscure 
from them their forefather's glorious visions and ideals. A 
striking absence of spiritual aspiration and a dire trend 
towards gross materialism seemed, for a time, all too char- 
acteristic of America. But to such as doubted or feared 
have come, recently, a wonderful reassurance and a renewed 
faith in the eternal efficacy of so sublime an offering. It is 
the sons of those men — their spiritual offspring — ^who have 
arisen in their millions, — here in America, there in old 
England, — to defend the World's freedom. The Dean of 
Westminster voiced England's feeling, and that of the 
world, when in the Memorial Service at Westminster 
Abbey for the Officers and Men of the United States Army 



INTRODUCTION xxi 

(find Navy who fell in the War, he gave thanks to God in 
the following words: 

Their deaths have sealed the unwritten but inviolable Covenant 
of our common Brotherhood. Their deaths have laid the endur- 
ing foundations of the world's hope for future peace. For their 
sakcs we raise this day our proud thanksgiving in the great Abbey 
which enshrines the illustrious dust of the makers of the English- 
speaking peoples. Let us render our humble and joyful praise to 
Almighty God that in their response to the clarion call of freedom 
and of justice the two Commonwealths have not been divided. 

Nor have our American brothers laid down their lives in vain. 
They came in their hundreds of thousand from the other side of 
the Atlantic to vindicate the cause of an outraged humanity and 
a menaced liberty. The freewill offering of their sacrifice has been 
accepted. They have been summoned to some other and higher 
phase in the life of heavenly citizenship. 

The mystery of suffering, sorrow and pain awaits its Divine in- 
terpretation hereafter. Not yet can we hope to see through the 
mist that veils the future. But the Cross is our pledge of the 
fruitfulness of self-sacrifice. 

May America and Great Britain go forward charged with the 
privilege of a common stewardship for the liberties of mankind! 
May the glorious witness of these brave lives, whom we com- 
memorate to-day, enrich us, v;hose course on earth is not yet run, 
with the inspiring vision of the sanctity and self-abnegation of 
true patriotism ! The warfare against the countless forms of 
violence, injustice, and falsehood will never cease: may the ex- 
ample of our brothers exalt and purify our aims ! 

A few words as to the vicissitudes of the precious manu- 
script of this book. 

As the author tells us, he began to write down this 
record of the affairs of the New Plymouth Settlement in 
the year 1630, ten years after their arrival, continuing the 
writing of it from time to time up to the year 1650, when 
he compiled the Register of Passengers on the Mayflower, 
their marriages, the birth of their descendants, and their 
deaths. In form, the original manuscript is a parchment- 
bound folio, measuring about 1 1 inches high, 8 inches wide, 
and lYz inches thick. 



xxii INTRODUCTION 

Some inscriptions on fly leaves in it, give, tersely, its 
ownership up to 1728. "This book was writ by Governor 
WilUam Bradford, and given by him to his son Major 
WilHam Bradford, and by him to his son Major John 
Bradford: writ by me, Samuel Bradford, March 20th, 
1705." 

An entry by Thomas Prince, dated June 4th, 1728, in- 
timates that Major John Bradford turned over the manu- 
script to him for the New England Library of Prints and 
Manuscripts, which he had been collecting since 1703, 
when he entered Harvard College. Since then it is sup- 
posed that sundry authors have drawn upon its material, 
and that Governor Hutchinson had access to it when he 
wrote the second volume of his History, published in 1767. 

From this time all traces of its presence in New England 
disappear, and it was not until almost a century later that 
it was discovered and identified in the Library of the Bishop 
of London, at Fulham Palace. It is supposed that the man- 
uscript found its way to England some time between the 
years 1768 and 1785, being deposited under the title of 
"The Log of the Mayflower," at Fulham Palace as the 
Public Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Docu- 
ments relating to the Diocese of London, and to the Colonial 
and other Possessions of Great Britain beyond the seas — 
New Plymouth being, ecclesiastically, attached to the Dio- 
cese of London. 

When compiling his "History of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in America," published in 1844, Samuel Wilber- 
force, Bishop of Oxford, and later of Winchester, delved 
into the archives of Fulham Palace, and brought under 
contribution a number of unpublished manuscripts, from 
which he gave extracts. In 1855 this work fell into the 
hands of John Wingate Thornton, and, through him, came 
under the eye of Barry, the author of "The History of Mas- 



INTRODUCTION xxiii 

sachusetts," who recognized that the passages quoted in 
Wilberforce's work must come from none other than Brad- 
ford's long-lost annals. Charles Deane was consulted 
and communicated with Joseph Hunter in England, who 
visited Fulham Palace Library, and established incontesta- 
bly the identity of "The Log of the Mayflower" with Brad- 
ford's History. It is still unknown exactly how it found 
its way to London — but in all probability it was brought 
over during the War of Independence. 

From time to time, after its discovery, representations 
were made to the custodians of the manuscript that it 
should be restored to America, where its value was inestim- 
able, as one of the earliest records of her National History 
— in the words of Senator Hoar: "The only authentic 
history of what we have a right to consider the most im- 
portant political transaction that has ever taken place on 
the face of the earth." Ultimately, the Hon. Thomas F. 
Bayard, the first United States Ambassador to England, 
instigated by Senator Hoar, put the matter before the 
Bishop of London — Creighton — at Fulham, with the result 
that, after due legal sanction by the Constitutional and 
Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript was conveyed 
by Mr. Bayard to America, and formally handed over to 
Governor Roger Wolcott, on July 12th, 1897, for the State 
Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, subject 
to the production of a photographic facsimile being de- 
posited at Fulham, and to the original manuscript being rea- 
sonably accessible for investigation. Its present resting 
place is the Massachusetts State Library. 

No words could more vividly depict the feelings in the 
hearts of Bradford's descendants, on the return to American 
soil of this precious relic by the free gift of England, than 
those of Senator Hoar, which I now quote: 

"I do not think many Americans will gaze upon it without 



xxiv INTRODUCTION 

a little trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist 
in the eyes, as they think of the story of suffering, of sor- 
row, of peril, of exile, of death, and of lofty triumph, which 
that book tells, — which the hand of the great leader and 
founder of America has traced on those pages. There is 
nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem. 
These English men and English women going out from their 
homes in beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from 
husband and mother from child in that hurried embarka- 
tion for Holland, pursued to the beach by English horse- 
men; the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam 
'in alley foul and lane obscure'; the dwelling at Leyden; 
the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; 
the terrible voyage across the Atlantic; the compact in 
the harbour; the landing on the rock; the dreadful first 
winter; the death roll of more than half the number; the 
days of suffering and of famine; the wakeful night, listen- 
ing for the yell of the wild beast and the war-whoop of 
the savage ; the building of the State on those sure founda- 
tions which no wave nor tempest has ever shaken ; the 
breaking of the new light; the dawning of the new day; 
the beginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace with 
liberty, — of all these things this is the original record by 
the hand of our beloved father and founder." 

After its discovery and identification, an edition was pub- 
lished in the year 1856, under the editorship of Charles 
Deane, by the Massachusetts Historical Society, based on 
a transcript made from the original document in London. 
A photographic facsimile of the manuscript was issued in 
1896, in both London and Boston; and upon receipt of the 
original by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1897, 
a resolution was passed providing for the printing anu i^ubli- 
cation of a carefully collated edition, together with a report 
of the proceedings connected with its return from England 



INTRODUCTION xx^ 

to America. This edition was duly issued in 1901, and it 
is from that as a basis that I have prepared the present 
modernization. My purpose is obvious. To many, the 
reading of the niedi?eval English of the original, to which 
all preceding editions have adhered, would be so laborious 
as to preclude them from becoming acquainted with it. 
I have endeavoured to preserve, as far as possible, the 
atmosphere of the time, while accurately rendering the 
thought in current language. 

As for the writer himself, William Bradford, who, on 
the death of John Carver, the first Governor of the col- 
ony, a few months after their arrival, succeeded him in the 
Governorship, and remained the guiding genius of its des- 
tinies for over thirty years — his character, despite his utter 
self-repression throughout his writings, can be clearly read 
between the lines; his marvelous breadth of charity and 
tolerance; his strong, simple piety; his plain, unselfcon- 
scious goodness — all the grandest characteristics of the 
best traditions of puritanism seem concentrated in him. 

But little is known of his life in England. He was born 
at the village of Austerfield, near Scrooby, in Nottingham- 
shire, and the baptismal entry in the registers of the 
church is dated March 19th, 1590. His family was of 
yeoman stock. The first Mrs. Bradford (Dorothy May) 
was drowned in the harbour soon after the arrival of the 
Mayflower, by falling overboard. The second wife was a 
Mrs. Alice Southworth, a widow, to whom, it is supposed 
Bradford had been attached before his and her first mar- 
riage. He wrote his proposal of marriage to her in Eng- 
land, ?"A she came out to him, with two Southworth chil- 
dren. William Bradford died. May 9th, 1657, at 69 years 
of age. 

His dealings in the external affairs of the colony were 

I 



xxvi INTRODUCTION 

largely witH that class of hypocritical charlatan which suc- 
cessfully turns to perverse account the generous religious 
impulses of those with whom they hold intercourse. Yet 
his firm hold on faith, hope, and charity never failed him ; 
he always ascribed to them, until clear proof of dishonour 
was revealed, the best of motives; taking account of the 
possibility of misunderstanding; or, in the last resort, 
making allowance for human weakness in the face of temp- 
tation, and forgiving unto seventy times seven. His was 
the spirit given to Newton, who as he watched a murderer 
being led to the gallows, exclaimed: "There goes John 
Newton, but for the Grace of God"; or to Cromwell, in 
his typical exhortation, — "I beseech you, in the name of 
Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken." 

The reverse side of the picture shows us, indeed, the 
horrible hypocrisy of the pseudo-puritans of the Weston- 
Sherley type, who whenever ill-fortune overtook them 
called upon the name of the Lord in true Pharisaic fashion, 
— as if to bribe by flattery a frivolous Providence, — playing 
upon the finest qualities of forbearance and disinterested- 
ness of such men as Bradford and his colleagues, to get ad- 
vantage of them and rob them usuriously. Such parasites 
on the true growth of puritanism brought it into disrepute 
with the undiscriminating of those times, — nor have the 
results of their evil work (in very truth, the Sin against 
the Holy Ghost!) yet disappeared; for we find it in the 
supercilious and suspicious attitude of the orthodox to- 
wards dissent in any form, to this day. 

The strong grasp of the intellectual and practical side 
of his and the other Pilgrims' ideals of religious liberty, — 
for which, no doubt, they owed a deep debt to that splen- 
did apostolic figure, their old pastor at Leydon, John Rob- 
inson, — is evidenced by the clear exposition of their claims, 
in the answer they gave to charges against them of dissem- 



INTRODUCTION xxvii 

bling in their declaration of conformity to the practices of 
the French Reformed Churches, and of undue Hcense in 
differing from those professed forms of worship : 

"In attempting to tie us to the French practices in every 
detail, you derogate from the liberty we have in Christ 
Jesus. The Apostle Paul would have none follow him but 
wherein he followed Christ; much less ought any Christian 
or Church in the world do so. The French may err, we 
may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do 
in many circumstances. That honour of infallibility be- 
longs, therefore, only to the word of God and pure testa- 
ment of Christ, to be followed as the only rule and pattern 
for direction by all Churches and Christians. It is great 
arrogance for any man or Church to think that he or they 
have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to be 
able to set down precisely a Church's practices without 
error in substance or circumstance, and in such a way that 
no one thereafter may digress or differ from them with 
impunity." 

On the other hand, it is interesting to mark Bradford's 
disparagement of Utopian schemes of communal, or social- 
istic, forms of government. Here is his conservative argu- 
ment, based on the experience of the first few years of their 
colonization : 

"The failure of this experiment of communal service, 
which was tried for several years, and by good and honest 
men, proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other 
ancients, applauded by some of later times, — that the tak- 
ing away of private property, and the possession of it in 
community by a commonwealth, would make a state 
happy and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. 
For in this instance, community of property (so far as it 
went) was found to breed much confusion and discontent, 
and retard much employment which would have been to 



xxvlii INTRODUCTION 

the general benefit and comfort. ... If (it was thought) 
all were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all 
were on an equality throughout, and one was as good as 
another; and so, if it did not actually abolish those very 
relations which God himself has set among men, it did at 
least greatly diminish the mutual respect that is so impor- 
tant should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue 
that this is due to human failing rather than to this com- 
munistic plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men 
have this failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw 
that another plan of life was fitter for them." 

Thus in civil as in religious matters, Bradford's sure 
instinct led him always to follow the guidance of a wise 
and benevolent Providence, working for the rational 
and natural evolution of mankind, which humanity could 
expedite only by a plain, unsophisticated reliance upon 
truth and goodness, as incarnate in the divine character 
and life of Christ. 

If we of to-day, whether American or British, fail to ap- 
preciate the almost unearthly value of Bradford's History, 
it is because we ourselves are still too close to the opening 
of that era in modern civilization, — yet in its early stages 
of development, — with which it is concerned. I believe that, 
among the world's archives of contemporary chronicles of 
the human race, future generations will attribute to his 
annals a value far higher than that which we at present 
ascribe to any similar historic record except the Gospels 
themselves. 

Certainly it is fitting in the present communion of inter- 
ests of the Anglo-Saxon peoples, that we should refresh 
ourselves at the glorious founts of freedom which con- 
stitute their common heritage. 

Harold Paget. 
Silver Mine, Conn., 1920. 



BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

OF THE 

PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 






BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

of the PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 

BOOK I 

1608-1620 

PERSECUTION AND FLIGHT FROM ENGLAND— SETTLE- 
MENT IN HOLLAND (AT AMSTERDAM AND LEY- 
DEN)— CROSSING TO ENGLAND AND VOYAGE TO 
AMERICA— LANDING AT CAPE COD AND NEW 
PLYMOUTH. 

CHAPTER I 

Suppression of Religious Liberty in England — ^First Cause 
of the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement. 

First I will unfold the causes that led to the foundation 
of the New Plymouth Settlement, and the motives of those 
concerned in it. In order that I may give an accurate ac- 
count of the project, I must begin at the very root and 
rise of it; and this I shall endeavour to do in a plain 
style and with singular regard to the truth, — at least as 
near as my slender judgment can attain to it. 

As is well known, ever since the breaking out of the light 
of the gospel in England, which was the first country to be 
thus enlightened after the gross darkness of popery had 
overspread the Christian world, Satan has maintained 
various wars against the Saints, from time to time, in dif- 
ferent ways, — sometimes by bloody death and cruel torment, 
at other times by imprisonment, banishment, and other 



ft BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

wrongs, — as if loth that his kingdom should be overcome, 
the truth prevail, and the Church of God revert to their 
ancient purity, and recover their primitive order, liberty, 
and beauty. But when he could not stifle by these means 
the main truths of the gospel, which began to take rooting 
in many places, watered by the blood of martyrs and blessed 
from heaven with a gracious increase, he reverted to his 
ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians. 
For when, in those days, the bloody and barbarous perse- 
cutions of the heathen Emperors could not stop and sub- 
vert the course of the gospel, which speedily overspread 
the then best known parts of the world, he began to sow 
errors, heresies, and discord amongst the clergy themselves, 
working upon the pride and ambition and other frailties 
to which all mortals, and even the Saints themselves in 
some meaure, are subject. Woful effects followed; not 
only were there bitter contentions, heartburnings, and 
schisms, but Satan took advantage of them to foist in a 
number of vile ceremonies, with many vain canons and de- 
crees, which have been snares to many poor and peace- 
able souls to this day. 

So, in the early days, Christians suffered as much from 
internal dissension as from persecution by the heathen and 
their Emperors, true and orthodox Christians being op- 
pressed by the Arians and their heretical accomplices. 
Socrates bears witness to this in his second book. His 
words are these: "Indeed, the violence was no less than 
that practised of old towards the Christians when they 
were compelled to sacrifice to idols; for many endured va- 
rious kinds of torment — often racking and dismember- 
ment of their joints, confiscation of their goods, or banish- 
ment from their native soil." 

Satan has seemed to follow a like method in these later 
times, ever since the truth began to spring and spread after 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT S 

the great defection of that man of sin, the Papal Anti- 
christ. Passing by the infinite examples throughout the 
world as well as in our country, when that old serpent 
found that he could not prevail by fiery flames and the 
other cruel torments which he had put in use everywhere 
in the days of Queen Mary and before, he then went more 
closely to work, not merely to oppress but to ruin and de- 
stroy the kingdom of Christ by more secret and subtle 
means, and by kindling flames of contention and sowing 
seeds of strife and bitter enmity amongst the reformed 
clergy and laity themselves. 

Mr. Fox records, that besides those worthy martyrs and 
confessors who were burned and otherwise tormented in 
Queen Mary's days, as many as 800 students and others 
fled out of England, and formed separate congregations at 
Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, 
Geneva, etc. 

Amongst these bodies of protestant reformers — especially 
amongst those at Frankfort, — arose a bitter war of con- 
tention and persecution about the ceremonies and the ser- 
vice book and other such popish and anti-Christian stuff, 
the plague of England to this day. Such practises are like 
the high places in Israel, which the prophets cried out 
against ; and the better part of the reformers sought to root 
them out and utterly abandon them, according to the purity 
of the gospel ; while the other part, under veiled pretences, 
sought as stifily to maintain and defend them, for their 
own advancement. This appears in the account of these 
contentions published in 1575 — a book that deserves to be 
better known. 

The one party of reformers endeavoured to establish the 
right worship of God and the discipline of Christ in the 
Church according to the simplicity of the gospel and with- 
out the mixture of men's inventions, and to be ruled by the 



4 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

laws of God's word dispensed by such officers as Pastors, 
Teachers, Elders, etc., according to the Scriptures. 

The other party, — the episcopal, — under many pretences, 
endeavoured to maintain the episcopal dignity after the 
popish manner, — with all its courts, canons, and ceremonies ; 
its livings, revenues, subordinate officers, and other means 
of upholding their anti-Christian greatness, and of enabling 
them with lordly and tyrannous power to persecute the 
poor servants of God. The fight was so bitter, that neither 
the honour of God, the persecution to which both parties 
were subjected, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other 
worthies, could prevail with the episcopal party. They pro- 
ceeded by all means to disturb the peace of this poor perse- 
cuted church of dissenters, even so far as to accuse (very 
unjustly and ungodly, yet prelate-like) some of its chief 
members with rebellion and high-treason against the Em- 
peror, and other such crimes. 

And this contention did not die with Queen Mary, nor 
was it left beyond the seas. At her death the episcopal 
party of the Protestants returned to England under gra- 
cious Queen Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to 
bishoprics and other promotions, according to their aims 
and desires, with the result that their inveterate hatred to- 
wards the holy discipline of Christ in his church, repre- 
sented by the dissenting part, has continued to this day; 
furthermore, for fear it should ultimately prevail, all kinds 
of devices were used to keep it out, incensing the Queen 
and State against It as a danger to the commonwealth; 
arguing that it was most needful that the fundamental 
points of religion should be preached in these ignorant and 
superstitious times, and that in order to win the weak and 
ignorant It was necessary to retain various harmless cere- 
monies ; and that though reforms were desirable, this was 
not the time for them. Many such excuses were put for- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 6 

ward to silence the more godly, and to induce them to yield 
to one ceremony after another, and one corruption after 
another. By these wiles some were beguiled and others 
corrupted, till at length they began to persecute all the 
zealous reformers in the land, unless they would submit 
to their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their 
popish trash, which has no ground in the word of God, but is 
a relic of that man of sin. And the more the light of the 
gospel grew, the more they urged subjection to these cor- 
ruptions, — so that, notwithstanding all their former pre- 
tences, those whose eyes God had not justly blinded easily 
saw their purpose. In order the more to cast contempt 
upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously gave 
them the name of "Puritans," which it is said the novations 
assumed out of pride. It is lamentable to see the effects 
which have followed. Religion has been disgraced, the godly 
grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, while others 
have lost their lives in prisons and other ways ; on the other 
hand, sin has been countenanced, ignorance, profanity, and 
atheism have increased, and the papists have been encour- 
aged to hope again for a day. 

This made that holy man, Mr. Perkins, cry out in his ex- 
hortation to repentance, upon Zeph. ii. "Religion," said 
he, "has been amongst us these thirty-five years ; but the 
more it is disseminated, the more it is condemned by many. 
Thus, not profanity or wickedness, but Religion itself 
is a byword, a mocking stock, and a matter of reproach; 
so that in England at this day the man or woman who 
begins to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve 
within himself to sustain mocks and injuries as though 
he lived among the enemies of religion." Common ex- 
perience has confirmed this and made it only too apparent.* 

* Note (written by the author at a later date than the passage 
to which it refers). — Little did I think that the downfall of the 



6 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

But to come to the subject of this narrative. When by 
the zeal of some godly preachers, and God's blessing on 
their labours, many in the North of England and other 
parts become enlightened by the word of God and had their 
ignorance and sins discovered to them, and began by His 
grace to reform their lives and pay heed to their ways, the 
work of God was no sooner manifest in them than they 
were scorned by the profane multitude, and their ministers 
were compelled to subscribe or be silent, and the poor people 
were persecuted with apparators and pursuants and the 



Bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremonies had been so 
near, when first I began these scribbled writings, — which was about 
the year 1630, and continued as leisure permitted, — or that I should 
have lived to see and hear it. But it is the Lord's doing, and 
ought to be marvellous in our eyes. . . . Do you not now see the 
fruits of your labours, O all ye servants of the Lord that have 
suffered for his truth, and have been faithful witnesses of it, and 
ye little handful amongst the rest, the least among the thousands of 
Israel? You have not only had a seed-time, but many of you have 
seen the joj'ful harvest. Should j'ou not rejoice, then, yea, and 
again rejoice, and say Hallelujah, Salvation, and Glory, and 
Honour, and Power be to the Lord our God, for true and righteous 
are His judgments (Rev. xix., I, 2) . . . The tyrannous bishops 
are ejected, their courts dissolved, their canons forceless, their ser- 
vice cashiered, their ceremonies useless and despised; their plots 
for Popery are prevented, all their supersititions discarded and re- 
turned to Rome, whence they came, and the monuments of idolatry 
rooted out of the land. Their proud and profane supporters and 
cruel defenders (the bloody papists and wicked atheists and their 
malignant consorts) are marvellously overthrown. And are not 
these great things? Who can deny it? 

But who has done it? Who, even He that sitteth on the white 
horse, Who is called faithful and true, and judgeth and fightest 
righteously (Rev. xix., 11), Whose garments are dipped in blood, 
and His name was called the Word of God, for He shall rule with 
a rod of iron ; for it is He that treadeth the winepress of the fierce- 
ness and wrath of God Almighty. And He hath upon His gar- 
ment, and upon His thigh, a name written: The King of Kings, 
and Lord of Lords. 

Anno Domini, 1646. Hallelujah. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 7 

commissary courts. Nevertheless, they bore it all for several 
years in patience, until by the increase of their troubles they 
began to see further into things by the light of the word of 
God. They realized not only that these base ceremonies 
were unlawful, but also that the tyrannous power of the 
prelates ought not to be submitted to, since it was contrary 
to the freedom of the gospel and would burden men's con- 
sciences and thus profane the worship of God. 

On this subject a famous author thus writes in his Dutch 
commentaries: "At the coming of King James into Eng- 
land, the new King found established there the reformed 
religion of Edward VL, but retaining the spiritual office 
of the bishops, — differing in this from the reformed 
churches in Scotland, France, the Netherlands, Emden, 
Geneva, etc., whose reformation is shaped much nearer to 
the first Christian churches of the Apostles' times." 

Those reformers who saw the evil of these things, and 
whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for 
his truth, shook off this yoke of anti-Christian bondage 
and as the Lord's free people joined themselves together 
by covenant as a church, in the fellowship of the gospel to 
walk in all His ways, made known, or to be made known 
to them, according to their best endeavours, whatever it 
should cost them, the Lord assisting them. And that it 
cost them something, the ensuing history will declare. 

These people became two distinct bodies or churches and 
congregated separately; for they came from various towns 
and villages about the borders of Nottinghamshire, Lincoln- 
shire, and Yorkshire. One of these churches was led by 
Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, and a good preacher, 
who was afterwards made pastor; but later, falling into 
some errors in the Low Countries, most of its adherents 
buried themselves, — and their names ! To the other church, 
which is the subject of this discourse, belonged besides 



8 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

other worthy men, Mr. Richard Clifton, a grave and 
reverend preacher, who by his pains and diUgence had done 
much good, and under God had been the means of the 
conversion of many; also that famous and worthy man, 
Mr. John Robinson, who was afterwards their pastor for 
many years, till the Lord took him away; also Mr. William 
Brewster, a reverend man, who was afterwards chosen an 
Elder of the church, and lived with them till old age. But 
after the events referred to above, they were not long per- 
mitted to remain in peace. They were hunted and perse- 
cuted on every side, until their former afflictions were but 
as fleabitings in comparison. Some were clapped into 
prison ; others had their houses watched night and day, and 
escaped with difficulty; and most were obliged to fly, and 
leave their homes and means of livelihood. Yet these and 
many other even severer trials which afterwards befell 
them, being only what they expected, they were able to bear 
by the assistance of God's grace and spirit. However, being 
thus molested, and seeing that there was no hope of their 
remaining there, they resolved by consent to go into the 
Low Countries, where they heard there was freedom of 
religion for all ; and it was said that many from London and 
other parts of the country, who had been exiled and perse- 
cuted for the same cause, had gone to live at Amsterdam 
and elsewhere in the Netherlands. So after about a year, 
having kept their meeting for the worship of God every 
Sabbath in one place or another, notwithstanding the dili- 
gence and malice of their adversaries, seeing that they 
could no longer continue under such circumstances, they 
resolved to get over to Holland as soon as they could — 
which was in the years 1607 and 1608. But of this, more 
will be told in the next chapter. 



CHAPTER n 

Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden) : 1607-1608 

For these reformers to be thus constrained to leave their 
native soil, their lands and livings, and all their friends, 
was a great sacrifice, and was wondered at by many. But 
to go into a country unknown to them, wherfe they must 
learn a new language, and get their livings they knew not 
how, seemed an almost desperate adventure, and a misery 
worse than death. Further, they were unacquainted with 
trade, which was the chief industry of their adopted 
country, having been used only to a plain country life and 
the innocent pursuit of farming. But these things did not 
dismay them, though they sometimes troubled them; for 
their desires were set on the ways of God, to enjoy His 
ordinances ; they rested on His providence, and knew Whom 
they had believed. 

But this was not all ; for though it was made intolerable 
for them to stay, they were not allowed to go; the ports 
were shut against them, so that they had to seek secret 
means of conveyance, to bribe the captains of ships, and 
give extraordinary rates for their passages. Often they 
were betrayed, their goods intercepted, and thereby were 
put to great trouble and expense. I will give an instance 
or two of these experiences. 

A large number of them had decided to take passage from 
Boston in Lincolnshire, and for that purpose had hired a 
ship wholly to themselves, and made agreement with the 
captain to be ready at a convenient place on a certain day 
to take them and their belongings. After long waiting 

9 



10 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

and great expense — lie had not kept day with them — he 
came at last and took them aboard at night. But when 
he had secured them and their goods he betrayed them, 
having arranged beforehand with the searchers and other 
officers to do so. They then put them in open boats, and 
there rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their 
shirts for money, — and even the women, further than be- 
came modesty, — and took them back to the town and made 
a spectacle of them to the multitude that came flocking on 
all sides to see them. Being thus rifled and stripped of 
their money, books, and other property, they were brought 
before the magistrates, and messengers were sent to inform 
the Lords of the Council about them. The magistrates 
treated them courteously, and showed them what favour 
they could; but dare not free them until order came from 
the council-table. The result was, hovever, that after a 
month's imprisonment, the majority were dismissed, and 
sent back to the places whence they came; but seven of 
the leaders were kept in prison, and bound over to the 
Assizes. 

Next spring there was another attempt made by some 
of the same people, with others, to get over from a different 
place. They heard of a Dutchman at Hull who had a ship 
of his own belonging to Zealand, and they made an agree- 
ment with him, and acquainted him with their plight, hoping 
to find him more reliable than the English captain had 
been; and he bade them have no fear. He was to take 
them aboard between Grimsby and Hull, where there was 
a large common a good way from any town. The women 
and children, with all their effects, were sent to the place 
at the time arranged in a small bark which they had hired ; 
and the men were to meet them by land. But it so hap- 
pened that they all arrived a day before the ship came, and 
the sea being rough, and the women veiy sick, the sailors 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 11 

put into a creek hard by, where they grounded at low water. 
The next morning the ship came, but they were stuck fast 
and could not stir till about noon. In the meantime, the 
captain of the ship, seeing how things were, sent his boat 
to get the men aboard whom he saw were ready walking 
about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard 
and she was ready to go for more, the captain espied a large 
body of horse and foot, armed with bills and guns and other 
weapons, — for the country side had turned out to capture 
them. The Dutchman, seeing this, swore his country's 
oath, "sacramente," and having a fair wind, weighed an- 
chor, hoist sail, and away ! The poor men already aboard 
were in great distress for their wives and children, left 
thus to be captured, and destitute of help, — and for them- 
selves, too, without any clothes but what they had on their 
backs, and scarcely a penny about them, all their posses- 
sions being aboard the bark, now seized. It drew tears 
from their eyes, and they would have given anything to be 
ashore again. But all in vain, there was no remedy; they 
must thus sadly part. Afterwards they endured a fearful 
storm at sea, and it was fourteen days or more before they 
reached port, in seven of which they saw neither sun, moon, 
nor stars, being driven near the coast of Norway. The 
sailors themselves often despaired, and once with shrieks 
and cries gave over all, as if the ship had foundered and 
they were sinking without hope of recovery. But when 
man's hope and help wholly failed, there appeared the 
Lord's power and mercy to save them ; for the ship rose 
again, and gave the crew courage to manage her. If mod- 
esty permitted, I might declare with what fervent prayers 
the voyagers cried to the Lord in their great distress, — 
even remaining fairly collected when the water ran into 
their mouths and ears; and when the sailors called out, 
"We sink, we sink," they cried (if not with miraculous, 



12 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

yet with sublime faith) : "Yet Lord, Thou canst save ; yet 
Lord, Thou canst savel" Upon which, the ship not only 
righted herself, but shortly afterwards the violence of the 
storm began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted 
minds with such comfort as but few can understand, and 
in the end brought them to their desired haven, where the 
people came flocking, astonished at their deliverance, the 
storm having been so long and violent. 

But to return to the rest where we left them. The other 
men, who were in greatest danger, made shift to escape 
before the troops could surprise them, only sufficient stay- 
ing to assist the women. But it was pitiful to see these 
poor women in their distress. What weeping and crying 
on every side : some for their husbands carried away in the 
ship ; others not knowing what would become of them and 
their little ones; others again melted in tears, seeing tlieir 
poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and 
quaking with cold ! Being thus apprehended, they were 
hurried from one place to another, till in the end the officers 
knew not what to do with them ; for to imprison so many 
innocent women and children only because they wished to 
go with their husbands, seemed unreasonable and would 
cause an outcry; and to send them home again was as dif- 
ficult, for they alleged, as was the truth, that they had 
no homes to go to, — for they had sold or otherwise disposed 
of their houses and livings. To be short, after they had 
been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one 
constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them on 
any terms ; for all were v/earied and tired of them. Though 
in the meantime, they, poor souls, endured misery enough. 
So in the end, necessity forced a way for them. 

But not to be tedious, I will pass by other troubles which 
they endured in their wanderings and travels, both on land 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 13 

jand sea. I must not omit, however, to mention the fruit of 
it all. For by these public afflictions, their cause became 
famous, and led many to inquire into it ; and their Christian 
behaviour left a deep impression on the minds of many. 
Some few shrank from these first conflicts, and no wonder ; 
but many more came forward with fresh courage and 
animated the rest. In the end, notwithstanding the storms 
of opposition, they all got over, some from one place, some 
from another, and met together again with no small re- 
joicing. 



CHAPTER in 
Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620 

Having reached the Netherlands, they saw many fine 
fortified cities, strongly walled, and guarded with troops 
of armed men; and they heard a strange and uncouth lan- 
guage, and beheld the different manners and customs of 
the people, with their strange fashions and attire — all so 
far differing from their own plain country villages wherein 
they were bred and had lived so long, that it seemed they 
had come into a new world. But these were not the things 
they gave much attention to. They had other work in 
hand, and another kind of war to wage. For though they 
saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of all 
sorts of wealth and riches, it was not long before they saw 
the grim and grisly face of poverty coming upon them like 
an armed man, with whom they must buckle and encounter, 
and from whom they could not fly ; but they were armed 
with faith and patience against him and all his encounters; 
and though they were sometimes foiled, yet, by God's assist- 
ance, they prevailed and got the victory. 

When Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and the other princi- 
pal members had arrived, — they were among the last, hav- 
ing stayed to help the weakest over, — such things were 
deliberated as were necessary for their settling and for the 
best ordering of the church affairs. When they had lived 
at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, 
together with the most discerning of the others, seeing that 
Mr. John Smith and his followers had already fallen out 
with the church which was there previously, and that 
nothing could avail to end the quarrel, and also that the 

14 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 15 

flames of contention were likely to break out in the parent 
church itself (as afterwards, alas, came to pass) ; they 
thought it best to move, before they were in any way in- 
volved, though they knew it would be to their worldly dis- 
advantage, both at present and probably in the future, — 
as indeed it proved to be. 

For these and other reasons, then, they removed to 
Leyden, a fair and beautiful city, of a sweet situation, 
made famous by its university, in which recently there 
had been so many learned men. However, lacking sea- 
faring trades, which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so 
favourable in providing means of livelihood. But being set- 
tled here, they fell to such trades and employments as they 
best could, valuing peace and their spiritual comfort above 
any other riches whatever; and at length they came to 
raise a competent and comfortable living, though only by 
dint of hard and continual labour. 

Thus, after numerous difficulties, they continued many 
years in good circumstances, enjoying together much sweet 
and delightful intercourse and spiritual comfort in the ways 
of God, under the able ministry and prudent government 
of Mr. Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, who before 
had been his assistant in place of an Elder, to which position 
he was now called and chosen by the church. So they 
grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit 
of God, and lived together in peace and love and holiness ; 
and many came to them from different parts of England, 
so that there grew up a great congregation. And if any 
differences arose or offences broke out, — as cannot but be 
even amongst the best of men, — they were always so met 
with and nipped in the head betimes, that love, peace, and 
communion continued ; or, in some instances, the church 
was purged of those who were incurable and incorrigible, 
when, after much patience used, no other means would 



16 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

serve. Indeed, such was the love and respect that this 
worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, had to his flock, and his 
flock to him, that it might be said of them, as it once was of 
the famous Emperor Marcus AureUus and the people of 
Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he was more de- 
lighted in having such a people or they in having such a 
pastor. His love was great towards them, and his care 
was always bent to their best good both for soul and body ; 
for, besides his singular ability in divine things (wherein 
he excelled), he was also very able in directing their civil 
affairs and foreseeing dangers and troubles ; so he was very 
helpful to their material well-being, and was in every way 
a common father to them. None offended him more than 
those who kept apart from the rest, and neglected the com- 
mon good ; or those who were rigid in matters of outward 
order and would inveigh against the evil of others, and yet 
were remiss themselves and not too careful to maintain 
virtuous conversation. The congregation, too, ever had a 
reverent regard for him and held him in precious estimation, 
as his worth and wisdom deserved; and highly as they es- 
teemed him whilst he lived and laboured amongst them, it 
was even more so after his death, when they came to feel 
the want of his help, and saw by woful experience what a 
treasure they had lost. But to return. I know not but it 
may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice 
to any, that such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and 
fervent love, of this people, whilst they thus lived together, 
towards God and His ways, and the single-heartedness and 
sincere affection of one towards another, that they came as 
near the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other 
church of these later times has done. 

It is not my purpose to treat of what befell them whilst 
they lived in the Low Countries, — which would require a 
large treatise of itself, — but to show the beginnings of the 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 17 

New Plymouth Settlement. But since some of their adver- 
saries, upon their departure from Leyden of their own free 
will, uttered slanders against them, as if the country had 
been weary of them and had driven them out, as the 
heathen historians asserted of Moses and the Israelites when 
they went out of Egypt, I will mention a particular or two 
to show the contrary, and the good acceptation they had 
in the place where they lived. 

First, though many of them were poor, there were none 
so poor but that if they were known to be of that congre- 
gation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) would trust 
them to any reasonable extent when they lacked money 
to buy what they needed. They found by experience how 
careful they were to keep their word, and saw how diligent 
they were in their callings, that they would even compete 
for their custom, and employ them in preference to others. 

Again, about the time of their departure, or a little be- 
fore, the magistrates of the city, gave this commendable 
testimony of them in the public place of justice in reproof 
to the Walloons, who were of the French church there. 
"These English," said they, "have lived among us these 
twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation 
against any of them ; but your strifes and quarrels are con- 
tinual." 

At this time occurred the great trouble with the Armin- 
ians, who molested the whole state, and this city in par- 
ticular, where the chief university was situated. So there 
were daily hot disputes in the schools thereabouts, and the 
students and other learned people were divided in their 
opinions between two professors of divinity, the one daily 
teaching in favour of the Arminian faction, and the other 
against it. Things grew to such a pass, that few of the 
followers of the one professor would hear the other teach. 
But Mr, Robinson, though he preached thrice a week him- 



18 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

self and wrote several books, besides his many other duties, 
went constantly to hear their readings, the one as well as 
the other ; so he became well-grounded in their controversy 
and saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the 
shifts of the opponent, and being himself very able, none 
was fitter to buckle with them than himself, — as appeared 
by various disputes. In fact, he began to be a terror to the 
Arminians, so that Episcopius, the Arminian professor, put 
forth his best strength and advanced various Theses which 
he asserted he would defend against all comers in public 
dispute. 

Now Poliander, the other professor, and the chief preach- 
ers of the city, requested Mr. Robinson to take up his chal- 
lenge, but he was loth to do so, being a stranger. However 
the others importuned him, and told him that such was the 
ability and nimbleness of the opponent, that the truth would 
suffer if he did not help them. So he acquiesced and pre- 
pared himself accordingly; and when the day came, the 
Lord so helped him to defend the truth and foil his adver- 
sary, that he put him to an apparent nonplus in public 
audience. And he did the same thing two or three times 
upon similar occasions. This, while it made many praise 
God that the truth had so famous a victory, procured him 
much honour and respect from those learned men and others 
who loved the truth. So far from being weary of him and 
his people, or desiring their absence, had it not been for 
fear of giving offence to the government of England, they 
would have conferred upon him some public honour. In- 
deed, when there was talk of their departure to America, 
several men of prominence in the country tried to induce 
them to become naturalized, and even made them large 
offers to do so. Though I might mention many other 
similar examples to show the untruth of this slander, these 
suffice, for it was believed by few and was raised in malice. 



CHAPTER IV 

Reasons which led the Congi-egation at Leyden to decide 
upon Settlement in America. 

After they had Hved here for some eleven or twelve 
years, — the period of the famous truce between the Low 
Countries and Spain, — several of them having died, and 
many others being now old, the grave mistress, Experience, 
having taught them much, their prudent governors began 
to apprehend present dangers and to scan the future and 
think of timely remedy. After much thought and discourse 
on the subject, they began at length to incline to the idea 
of removal to some other place ; not out of any new-fangled- 
ness or other such giddy humour, which often influences 
people to their detriment and danger, but for many im- 
portant reasons, the chief of which I will here briefly touch 
upon. 

First, they saw by experience that the hardships of the 
country were such that comparatively few others would 
join them, and fewer still would bide it out and remain 
with them. Many who came and many more who desired 
to come, could not endure the continual labour and hard 
fare and other inconveniences which they themselves were 
satisfied with. But though these weaker brethren loved the 
members of the congregation, personally approved their 
cause, and honoured their sufferings, they left them, weep- 
ing, as it were ; — as Orpah did her mother-in-law, Naomi ; 
or as those Romans did Cato at Utica, who desired to be 
excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catos. 
^or, though many desired to enjoy the ordinances of God 

19 



20 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

In their purity, and the hberty of the gospel, yet, alas, they 
preferred to submit to bondage, with danger to their con- 
science, rather than endure these privations. Some even 
preferred prisons in England to this liberty in Holland, 
with such hardships. But it was thought that if there could 
be found a better and easier place of living, it would attract 
many and remove this discouragement. Their pastor would 
often say, that if many of those who both wrote and 
preached against them were living where they might have 
liberty and comfortable conditions, they would then prac- 
tice the same religion as they themselves did. 

Secondly, they saw that though the people generally bore 
these difficulties very cheerfully, and with resolute courage, 
being in the best strength of their years; yet old age began 
to steal on many of them, and their great and continual 
labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before 
their time; so that it was not only probable, but certain, 
that in a few more years they would be in danger of scatter- 
ing by the necessities pressing upon them. Therefore, ac- 
cording to the divine proverb (Prov. xxii, 3), that a wise 
man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself; 
they, like skillful and hardened soldiers, were wary of being 
surrounded by their enemies, so that they could neither fight 
not flee, and thought it wiser to dislodge betimes to some 
place of better advantage and less danger, if any such could 
be found. 

Thirdly, as necessity was a task-master over them, so 
they themselves were forced to be, not only over their ser- 
vants, but in a sort over their dearest children; which not a 
little wounded the hearts of many a loving father and 
mother, and produced many sad and sorrowful effects. 
Many of their children, who were of the best disposition 
and who had learned to bear the yoke in their youth and 
were willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 21 

often so oppressed with their labours, that though their 
minds were free and willing, their bodies bowed under the 
weight and became decrepit in early youth, — the vigour of 
nature being consumed in the very bud, as it were. But 
still more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to 
be borne, was that many of the children, influenced by these 
conditions, and the great licentiousness of the young people 
of the country, and the many temptations of the city, were 
led by evil example into dangerous courses, getting the 
reins off their necks and leaving their parents. Some be- 
came soldiers, others embarked upon voyages by sea and 
others upon worse courses tending to dissoluteness and the 
danger of their souls, to the great grief of the parents and 
the dishonour of God. So they saw their posterity would 
be in danger to degenerate and become corrupt. 

Last and not least, they cherished a great hope and in- 
ward zeal of laying good foundations, or at least of making 
some way towards it, for the propagation and advance of 
the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in the remote parts of 
the world, even though they should be but stepping stones to 
others in the performance of so great a work. 

These, and some other similar reasons, moved them to 
resolve upon their removal, which they afterwards pros- 
ecuted in the face of great difficulties, as will appear. 

The place they fixed their thoughts upon was somewhere 
in those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which 
were fruitful and fit for habitation, though devoid of all 
civilized inhabitants and given over to savages, who range 
up and down, differing little from the wild beasts them- 
selves. This proposition when made public, found many 
different opinions, and raised many fears and doubts. The 
hopeful ones tried to encourage the rest to undertake it; 
others more timid, objected to it, alleging much that was 
neither unreasonable nor improbable. They argued that it 



22 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

was so big an undertaking that it was open to inconceivable 
perils and dangers. Besides the casualties of the seas, they 
asserted that the length of the voyage was such that the 
women, and other weak persons worn out with age and 
travail, could never survive it. Even if they should, they 
contended that the miseries which they would be exposed to 
in such a country, would be too hard to endure. They 
would be liable to famine, nakedness, and want. The 
change of air, diet, and water would infect them with sick- 
ness and disease. Again, all those who surmounted these 
difificulties, would remain in continual danger from the 
savages, who are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, furious 
in their rage, and merciless when they get the upper hand, — 
not content to kill, they delight in tormenting people in the 
most bloody manner possible; flaying some alive with the 
shells of fishes, cutting off the members and joints of others 
piecemeal, broiling them on the coals, and eating collops of 
their flesh in their sight whilst they live, — with other cruel- 
ties too horrible to be related. 

And the very hearing of these things could not but move 
the very bowels of men to grate within them and make 
the weak to quake and tremble. It was further objected that 
it would require greater sums of money to prepare for such 
a voyage, and to fit them with necessaries, than their 
diminished estates would amount to. Many precedents of 
ill success and lamentable miseries befallen others in similar 
undertakings were alleged, — ^besides their own experience 
in their removal to Holland, and how hard it was for them 
to live there, though it was a neighboring country and a 
civilized and rich commonwealth. 

It was replied that all great and honourable actions are 
accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both met 
and overcome with answerable courage. It was granted 
the dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 23 

were many, but not invincible. For, many of the things 
feared might never befall; others by provident care and 
the use of good means might in a great measure be pre- 
vented; and all of them, through the help of God, by forti- 
tude and patience, might either be borne or overcome. 
True it was that such attempts were not to be undertaken 
without good ground and reason, rashly or lightly; or, as 
many had done, for curiosity or hope of gain. But their 
condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and 
honourable ; their calling, lawful and urgent ; therefore they 
might expect the blessing of God on their proceedings. Yea, 
though they should lose their lives in this action, yet might 
they have the comfort of knowing that their endeavour was 
worthy. 

They were now living as exiles in poor circumstances; 
and as great miseries might befall them here as there, for 
the twelve years' truce was now over, and there was noth- 
ing but beating of drums and preparation for war. The 
Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savage of America, 
and the famine and pestilence as sore in Holland as across 
the seas. After many other things had been alleged on 
both sides, it was fully decided by the majority to undertake 
the enterprise, and to prosecute it by the best means they 
could. 



CHAPTER V 

Decision to make New England the place of Settlement, in 
preference to Guiana or Virginia — ^Endeavour to obtain a 
Patent from the King of England: 1617-1620 

After humble prayers to God for Plis protection and 
assistance, and a general conference, they consulted what 
particular place to pitch upon. Some had thought of 
Guiana; some of those fertile places in hot climates; others 
were for some parts of Virginia, where the English had 
already made entrance. Those for Guiana alleged that the 
country was rich, fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual 
spring, where vigorous nature brought forth all things in 
abundance and plenty, without need of much labour, and 
lliat the Spaniards, having much more than they could 
possess, had not yet settled there, or anywhere very near. 

To this it was objected that though the country was fruit- 
ful and pleasant, and might yield riches and easy main- 
tenance to the possessors, other things considered, it would 
not be so fit for them. First, such hot countries are subject 
to horrible diseases and many noisome pests, which other 
more temperate places are free from, and they would not 
agree so well with our English bodies. Again, if they lived 
there and did well, the jealous Spaniards would never leave 
them in peace, but would dispossess them as they did the 
French in Florida, — and the sooner because they would 
have no protection, and their own strength would be in- 
sufficient to resist so potent an enemy and so near a neigh- 
bour. 

24 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 25 

On the other hand, against Virginia it was objected that 
if they lived among the EngHsh who had settled there, or 
so near them as to be under their government, they would 
be in as great danger of persecution for their religion as 
if they lived in England, — and it might be, worse ; while, 
if they lived too far off, they would have neither help nor 
defence from them. 

At length the conclusion was reached that they should 
live as a separate body, by themselves, under the general 
government of Virginia ; and that through their friends 
they should sue his majesty to be pleased to allow them 
freedom of religion. That this might be granted they were 
led to hope by some prominent persons of rank and influ- 
ence, who had become their friends. 

Whereupon, two members of the congregation were sent 
to England at the expense of the rest, to arrange the 
matter. They found the Virginia company anxious to 
have them, and willing to grant them a patent, with as 
ample privileges as they themselves had or could grant and 
to give them the best assistance they could. Some of the 
principal officers of the Virginia Company did not doubt 
that they could obtain the King's grant of liberty of religion, 
confirmed under his broad seal. But it proved a harder 
piece of work than they expected ; and, though many means 
were used to accomplish it, it proved impossible. Many of 
high standing used their influence to obtain it, — though one of 
the King's chief secretaries. Sir Robert Nanton, was against 
them, — and others urged the Archbishop to give way to it ; 
but it proved all in vain. They succeeded, however, in 
sounding his majesty's mind, and found that he would con- 
nive at them, and not molest them, provided they behaved 
peaceably. But to allow or tQlerate their claim to religious 



26 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

freedom by his public authority, under his seal, was found 
to be impossible. This was all the leading officials of the 
Virginia Company or any of their best friends could do; 
though they persuaded the Congregation at Leyden to pro- 
ceed with the undertaking, believing that they would not be 
troubled. With this answer the messengers returned. 

This damped their enthusiasm, and caused some distrac- 
tion. Many feared that if they should unsettle themselves 
and count upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous and 
be a sandy foundation. Indeed it was thought they might 
better have taken this understanding for granted, without 
making suit at all, than to have it thus rejected. But some 
of the chief members thought otherwise, and that they might 
well proceed, and that the King would not molest them, 
even though, for other reasons, he would not confirm it by 
any public act. And it was further contended that if there 
was no security in the promise thus intimated, there would 
be no great certainty in its further confirmation; for if, 
afterwards, there should be a desire to wrong them, though 
they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would not 
serve their turn, for means would be found to reverse it. 
With this probability of success they urged that they should 
trust to God's providence for the outcome, as they had 
done in other things. 

Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched 
to close with the Virginia Company as well as they could 
and to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions 
as possible ; also to arrange with such merchants and other 
friends as had manifested interest, to participate in the 
accomplishment of this voyage. For these ends they were 
instructed upon what lines to proceed, — otherwise to con- 
clude nothing without further orders. 

Here it will be necessary to insert a letter or two bearing 
on these proceedings. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 27 

Sir Edwin Sandys in London to John Robinson and William 
Brewster at Leyden: 

After my hearty salutations. . . . The agents of your congrega- 
tion, Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communica- 
tion with some of the more important members of his majesty's 
counsel for Virginia ; and by presentation of the seven articles sub- 
scribed with your names have given them such satisfaction as has 
decided them to further your wishes as well as possible, for your 
own and the public good. Several particulars we will leave to the 
faithful report of your agents, who have carried themselves here 
with a discretion that is as creditable to themselves as to those they 
represent. Having requested time to confer with those who are 
interested in this undertaking, about several particulars, it has been 
very willingly assented to and so they now return to you. If, there- 
fore, it may so please God to direct you that on your parts there 
occur no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it shall 
appear, that on our part all reasonable assistance will be given. And 
so I leave you, with your undertaking (which I , hope is indeed 
the work of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of the 
Highest. 

Your very loving friend, 
London, Nov. 12th, 1617. EDWIN SANDYS. 

John Robinson and William Brewster at Leyden to Sir Edwin 
Sandys in London: 

Right Worshipful, 

Our humble duties, with grateful acknowledgment of your singu- 
lar love, especially shown in your earnest endeavour for our good 
in this weighty business about Virginia. We have set down our re- 
quest in writing, subscribed as you wished by the majority of the 
congregation and have sent it to the Council of the Virginia Com- 
pany by our agent, John Carver, a deacon of our Church, whom a 
gentleman of our congregation accompanies. 

We need not urge you to any more tender care of us, since, under 
God, above all persons and things in the world, we rely upon you, 
expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and 
the countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your en- 
couragement in the work we will mention these inducements to our 
enterprise : 

1. We verily believe and trust that the Lord is with us, unto 
Whom and Whose service we have given ourselves in many trials; 
and that He will graciously prosper our endeavours according to 
the simplicity of our hearts therein. 

2. We are well weaned from tlie delicate milk of our mother 



28 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, 
which by patience we have largely overcome. 

3. The people are for the most part as industrious and frugal, 
we think we may safely say, as any company of people in the world. 

4. We are knit together as a body in a most strict and sacred 
bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make 
great conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly 
tied to all care of each other's good. 

5. Lastly, we are not like some, whom small things discourage, or 
small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again. We 
know what we can expect both in England and in Holland, and 
that we shall not improve our material well-being by our departure ; 
whereas, should we be forced to return, we could not hope to re- 
gain our present position, either here or elsewhere during our lives, 
which are now drawing towards their periods.* 

These motives we have been bold to put to you, and, as you think 
well, to any other of our friends of the Council. We will not be 
further troublesome, but with our humble duties to your Worship, 
and to any other of our well-willers of the Council, we take oui; 
leaves, committing you to the guidance of the Almighty. 
Yours much bounden in all duty, 

JOHN ROBINSON. 
Leyden, Dec. 15th, 1617. WILLIAM BREWSTER. 

For further light on these proceedings, here follow some 
other letters and notes. 

Mr. John Robinson and Mr. IVilliam Brewster at Leydcn to Sir, 
John Worstenholme in London: 

Right Worshipful, 

With due acknowledgment of our gratitude for your singular care 
and pains in the business of Virginia, we have sent enclosed, as is 

* O sacred bond, — whilst inviolably preserved ! How sweet and 
precious were its fruits ! But when this fidelity decayed, then their 
ruin approached. Oh that these ancient members had not died 
(if it had been the will of God) ; or that this holy care and con- 
stant faithfulness had still remained with those that survived. But, 
alas, that still serpent hath slyly wound himself to untwist these 
sacred bonds and ties. I was happy in my first times to see and 
enjoy the blessed fruits of that sweet communion; but it is now a 
part of my misery in old age to feel its decay, and with grief of 
heart to lament it. For the warning and admonition of others, and 
my own humiliation, I here make note of it. 

(This note was inserted by the author in his manuscript at a late? 
date.) 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 29 

j-equired, a further explanation of our judgments in the three points 
specified by some of his majesty's Honourable Privy Council; and 
though we are grieved that such unjust insinuations are made 
against us, we arc glad of the opportunity of clearing ourselves 
before such honourable personages. The declarations we have en- 
closed. The one is more brief and general, which we think fitter to 
be presented; the other is somewhat more comprehensive, express- 
ing some small accidental differences, which if you think well you 
can send instead of the former. Our prayer to God is, that your 
Worship may see the fruit of your endeavours, which on our parts 
we shall not fail to further. And so praying you, as soon as con- 
venient, to give us knowledge of the success of the business with his 
majesty's Privy Council, and accordingly what your further pleasure 
is, so we rest, 

Your worshipful in all duty, 

JOHN ROBINSON. 
Leyden, Jan. 27th, 161 7. WILLIAM BREWSTER. 

The first brief declaration was this : 

As regards the Ecclesiastical ministrj^, namely of pastors for 
teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the 
churches' contribution, as also for the two sacraments, — baptism 
and the Lord's supper, — we agree wholly and in all points with the 
French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of 
Faith. 

The Oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required 
of us, and if it be not sufficient that we take the Oath of Allegiance. 

JOHN ROBINSON. 
WILLIAM BREWSTER. 

The second and ampler declaration was this: 

As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, etc., as in the former 
■"declaration, we agree in all things with the French Reformed 
Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith; though 
some small differences may be found in our practices, — not at all in 
the substance of the things, but only in some accidental circum- 
stances. 

1. Their ministers pray with their heads covered ; ours uncovered. 

2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to 
teach ; which ability they do not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at most for two or 
three years; ours perpetual, 



30 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

4. Our elders deliver admonitions and excommunications for 
public scandals, publicly, before the congregation; theirs more pri- 
vately, in their consistories. 

5. We administer baptism only to infants of whom one parent, 
at least, is of some church, which some of their churches do not 
observe; though in this our practice accords with their public con- 
fession, and with the judgments of the most learned amongst them. 

Other differences worth mentioning, we know of none. Then 
about the Oath of Supremacy, as in the former declaration. 

Subscribed, 

JOHN ROBINSON. 
WILLIAM BREWSTER. 



Part of a letter front the messenger in England, who delivered the 
foregoing, to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster 
at Ley den: 

Your letter to Sir John Worstenholme I delivered into his own 
hands almost as soon as I received it, and stayed with him whilst 
he opened and read it. There were two papers enclosed, which he 
read to himself, and also the letter; and while reading it he asked 
me: "Who will make them?" (viz., the ministers). I answered 
that the power of making ministers rested with the church; that 
they were ordained by the imposition of hands, bj' its fittest mem- 
bers ; that it must rest either with the church or with the pope, and 
the pope is antichrist. "Ho !" said Sir John, "what the pope holds 
good, — as the Trinity, — we do well to assent to ; but we will not 
enter into dispute now." As for your letters, he said he would not 
show them, lest he should spoil all. He had expected that you 
would be of the Archbishop's mind in regard to the appointment 
of ministers; but it seems you differed. I could have wished to 
know the contents of your two enclosures, at which he stuck so 
much, — especially the larger. 

I asked his Worship what good news he had for me to Avrite to- 
morrow. He told me very good news, for both the King's majesty 
and the bishops had consented. He said he would go to the Chan- 
cellor, Sir Fulk Greville, this day, and next week I should know 
more. I met Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night; he wished 
me to be at the Virginia Court next Wednesday, where I purpose 
to be. I hope next week to have something certain to communi- 
cate. I commit you to the Lord. 

Yours, 

S. B. 
London, Feb. 14th, 1617. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 31 

These things being lengthily discussed, and messengers 
passing to and fro about them, they were long delayed by 
many rubs. At the return of the messengers to England 
they found things far otherwise than they expected. The 
Virginia Council was now so disturbed with quarrels among 
themselves, that no business could well go forward. This 
will appear in one of the messenger's letters which follows : 

Robert Cushman in England to the Congregation at Ley den: 

I intended long since to have written to you, but could not 
effect it; but I doubt not that Mr. B. has written to Mr. Robinson. 
The main hindrance to the Virginia business is the dissensions in 
the Council of Virginia. The cause of the trouble is, that, recently, 
Sir Thomas Smith, weary of his many offices, wished the Company 
of Virginia to relieve him of being its treasurer and governor, — 
he having 60 votes, Sir John Worstenholme 16 votes, and Alder- 
man Johnstone 24. But Sir Thomas Smith, finding his honours 
diminished, was very angry, and raised a faction to contest the 
election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin Sandys, the new Governor, 
with many things which would both disgrace him and deprive him 
of his office as Governor. In these contentions they still stick, 
and what will result we are not yet certain. Most likely Sir 
Edwin will win, and if he does, things will go well in Virginia; 
if otherwise, they will go ill. We hope in some two or three Court- 
days things will be settled. Meanwhile, I intend to go down to 
Kent, and come up again about 14 days or three weeks hence unless 
these contentions or the ill tidings from Virginia (of which I will 
now speak) should wholly discourage us. 

Captain Argoll came home from Virginia this week. Upon re- 
ceiving notice of the intentions of the Council, he left before Sir 
George Yeardley had arrived there; so there is no small dissatis- 
faction. But his tidings are ill. He says Mr. Blackwell's ship did 
not reach there till March, owing to northwest winds, which carried 
them to the southward beyond their course. The captain of the 
ship and some six of the sailors dying, it seems they could not 
find the bay till after long beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, 
and Mr. Maggner, the Captain ; in fact Captain Argoll says 130 
persons on that ship died out of a total of 180. There were so many 
that they were packed together like herrings. They were ill with 
the flux, and they lacked fresh water ; so here it is rather wondered 
at that as many are alive, than that so many are dead. The mer- 
chants here say it was Mr. Blackwell's fault for packing so many 



32 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

in the ship. There was much grumbling at the time, and Mr. 
Blackwell was blamed for his disposition of them and his insults 
to them. They say the streets of Gravesend rang with their quar- 
reling, crying out at each other : "Thou hast brought me to this ;" 
and, "I may thank thee for this !" Heavy news it is, and I wonder 
how far it will discourage our project. No one here is much dis- 
couraged; they seem only to wish to learn by other men's mis- 
fortunes. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed 
of being enthralled by any imperious persons, — especially if they 
seem to have an eye to their own advantage. It often troubles me 
to think that in this business all of us must learn, and none can 
teach; but better so, than to depend upon such teachers as Mr. 
Blackwell was. He once laid a similar trap for Mr. Johnson and 
his people at Emden, — which was their ruin. But though in that 
instance he managed to pluck his neck out of the collar, at last his 
foot is caught. No letters have arrived yet, as the ship Captain 
Argoll came in is still on the west coast ; all that we hear is his re- 
port; it seems he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Black- 
well went in will be here shortly. What Mr. Robinson once said 
has come true : that we should hear no good of them. 

Mr. B. is not well; whether he will return to you or go north, 
I do not know. For myself I hope to see an end of this business 
ere I come, though I am sorry to be away from you. H things 
had gone straight forward, I should have been with you within 
these 14 days. I pray God direct us, and give us the spirit which 
is fitting for such a business. Thus having summarily pointed at 
things which Mr. Brewster I think has more largely written of to 
Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lord's protection. 
Yours in all readiness, etc., 

ROBERT CUSHMAN. 
London, May 8th, 1619. 

A word or two, by way of digression, about this Mr. 
Blackwell. He was an Elder of the church at Amsterdam, 
— a man well known to most of them. He declined from the 
truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with them 
when they parted from the congregation in that woful man- 
ner, which brought such great dishonour to God, scandal to 
the truth, and ruin to themselves in this world. But, I hope, 
notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their 
souls are now at rest with Him in the heavens, and that they 
have reached the haven of happiness ; though some of their 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT S3 

bodies were thus buried in the terrible seas, and others sank 
under the burden of bitter afflictions. 

He, with some others, had prepared to go by way of 
London to Virginia. Being a private meeting — I take it a 
fast — in London, and being discovered, many of them were 
arrested, Mr. Blackwell being one; but he so glozed with 
the bishops, and either dissembled or flatly denied the truth 
which he had formerly maintained, and very unworthily 
betrayed another godly man who had escaped, so that he 
might slip his own neck out of the collar, that he won the 
bishop's favour (but lost the Lord's) and was not only 
acquitted, but in open court the Archbishop praised him 
highly, and gave him his solemn blessing to proceed on his 
voyage. But if such events follow the Archbishop's bless- 
ing, happy are they that miss it ; it is much better to keep a 
good conscience and have the Lord's blessing, whether in 
life or death. 

But to return to the concerns of the congregation at Ley- 
den. At last, after all these occurrences, and their long 
waiting, they had a patent granted them and confirmed 
under the Virginia Company's seal. But these divisions had 
alienated many of their less constant supporters, and they 
were thus disappointed of much of their hoped for and 
proffered means. By the advice of some friends the patent 
was not taken out in the name of any of their own members, 
but in the name of Mr. J. Wincot (a religious gentleman 
then in the service of the Countess of Lincoln), who in- 
tended to go with them. But God so disposed things that 
he never went, nor did they ever make use of this patent, 
which had cost them so much labour and expense, as will 
appear. The patent being sent over for those at Leyden to 
consider, and also the propositions of such merchants and 
friends as would go with them or participate in the ad- 
venture, — and especially those (Mr. Thomas Weston, etc.), 



34 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

on whom they chiefly depended for shipping and stores, — 
they were requested to prepare with all speed. And this 
matter of the patent is a true emblem of the uncertain tTiings 
of this world, which, when men have toiled to acquire them 
vanish into smoke ! 



CHAPTER VI 

Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the 
Merchants and Adventiu-ers in London for the accomplish- 
ment of the Settlement in New England: 1620. 

Upon the receipt of tliese papers through one of their 
messengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of humil- 
iation to seek the Lord's direction ; and their pastor took 
this text, I Sam, xxiii., 3, 4: "And David's men said unto 
him, see, we be afraid here in Judah; how much more if 
we come to Keilah against the host of the Philistines? 
Then David asked counsel of the Lord again." From this 
text he taught things very aptly and befitting the present 
occasion, — strengthening them against their fears and per- 
plexities, and encouraging them in their resolutions. 

Afterwards they decided what number and which of the 
members should prepare to go first; for not all that were 
willing to go could settle their affairs in so short a time ; nor 
if all could have been ready, would there have been means 
of transport for them. Those that stayed, being the greater 
number, required the pastor, Mr. Robinson, to stay with 
them ; and for other reasons he could not well go, and so it 
was the more easily conceded. The others then desired the 
elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with them, which was agreed to. 
It was also decided by mutual consent that those who went 
should be a separate church, distinct from those who stayed, 
since, with such a dangerous voyage before them, and re- 
moval to such a distance, it might happen that they should 
never meet again, as a body, in this world. But there was 
this proviso: that when any of the members at Leyden 



36 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

came over to join the others, or when any of the others 
returned, they should be received as members without any 
further testimonial. It was also promised by the rest to 
those that went first, that if the Lord gave them life and 
opportunity, they would come to them as soon as they could. 
About this time, while they were troubled at the proceed- 
ings of the Virginia Company, and the ill-news about Mr. 
Blackwell and his fellow-colonists, and were busily enquir- 
ing about the hiring or buying of shipping for their voyage, 
some Dutchmen made them offers about going with them. 
Also, Mr. Thomas Weston, a merchant of London, came 
to Leyden about the same time, being well acquainted with 
some of them, having assisted them in their former pro- 
ceedings, — and after much conference with Mr. Robinson 
and other chief members, he persuaded them to go on, and 
not to join with the Dutch, or to depend too much on the 
Virginia Company; for if that failed them, he and some of 
his merchant-friends would supplement their means and set 
them forth. He advised them to prepare and fear neither 
want of shipping nor of money ; what they needed should be 
provided. And, not so much for himself as for the satis- 
faction of his friends, they were to draw up articles of 
agreement, and make a proposition such as would be likely 
to incline his friends to the venture. L^pon which an agree- 
ment was drawn up, and was shown to and approved by 
him, and was afterwards sent to England by their messen- 
ger, Mr. John Carver, who, together with Robert Cushman, 
were to receive the money and make provision both for 
shipping and other things for the voyage. They were 
charged not to exceed their commission but to proceed ac- 
cording to the agreement. Others at Leyden were chosen 
to proceed with similar arrangements which were to be 
made there. Those that were to go, prepared with all speed, 
and sold their estates, putting their money into the common 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 37 

stock, which was in charge of those appointed to make the 
general provisions. 

About this time they heard both from Mr, Weston and 
others, that sundry honourable lords had obtained a large 
grant from the King, of the more northerly parts of the 
country, arising out of the Virginia Company's patent, but 
wholly separated from its government, and to be called by 
another name, viz., New England. To these parts, Mr. 
Weston and the chief members began to feel that it was best 
for them to go, — amongst other reasons, chiefly because of 
the profit to be made from the fishing there. 

But in all business the executive part is most difficult, — 
especially where the concurrence of many agents is neces- 
sary. And so it was found to be in this undertaking : some 
of those in England, who were to have gone, changed their 
minds and would not go ; other merchants and friends, who 
had offered to invest their money in the project, withdrew, 
making many excuses. Some wished them to go to Guiana ; 
others again would risk nothing if they did not go to Vir- 
ginia; some again — indeed those they had most relied on — 
utterly disapproved of Virginia, and would do nothing if 
they went there. In the midst of these distractions, those 
at Leyden, who had disposed of their property and ex- 
pended their money, were in great straits and feared dis- 
astrous results; but at length the majority inclined to the 
New England Settlement. 

But now another difficulty arose. Mr. Weston and some 
of his friends (either for their own advantage, or, as they 
pretended, to make further inducements for others to join 
them) insisted on altering some of the conditions that had 
been agreed upon at Leyden. To these alterations the two 
agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is 
most to be blamed for it) consented, fearing that otherwise 
it would all be thrown up. They presumed to agree with the 



38 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

new terms, in some particulars overstepping their authority 
and commission, and \vithout giving due notice. Indeed, 
the fact that it was concealed for fear of any further delay, 
afterwards caused much trouble and contention. 

I will here insert a copy of these new conditions, as 
follows. 



July 1st, 1620. 

1. The adventurers and planters agree that every person who goes, 
of sixteen years and upwards, be rated at £10; £10 to be reckoned 
as a single share. 

2. That he who goes in person, and furnishes himself with £10, 
either in money, or provisions, be accounted as having £20 in stock; 
and in the division shall receive a double share. 

3. The persons transported, and the adventurers, shall continue 
their joint stock and partnership together for seven years (unless 
some unexpected impediment cause the whole company to agree 
otherwise), during which time all profits and benefits go by trade, 
traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, by any per- 
sons or person, shall remain in the common stock until the division. 

4. That on their arrival there, they shall chose out such number 
of fit persons as may man their ships and boats at sea; employing 
the rest in their several faculties upon the land, such as building 
houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such com- 
modities as shall be most useful for the colon}'. 

5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and profits, 
viz., the houses, lands, goods and chattels, shall be equally divided 
among the adventurers and planters ; which done, every man shall 
be free of any debt to any other of them, arising from this ad- 
venture. 

6. Whosoever shall come to the colony hereafter, or shall con- 
tribute to the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed 
proportionately to the time of his doing so. 

7. He who shall take his wife and children, or servants, shall be 
allowed for every person now aged sixteen years and upwards, a 
single share in the division ; or if he provide them with necessaries, 
a double share; or if they be between ten and sixteen, two of 
them to be reckoned as one person, both in transportation and 
division. 

8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of ten 
years, have no other share in the division, but fifty acres of un- 
manured land. 

9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 39 

their executors to have their part or share at the division, propor- 
tionately to the time of their life in the colony. 

10. That all such persons as are of this colony, are to have 
their food, drink, clothing, and all provisions, out of the common 
stock and goods of the said colony. 

The principal difference betw^een this and the former 
agreement, consisted of these two points : that the houses 
and improved lands, especially gardens and home-lots, 
should remain undivided, and should belong wholly to the 
planters at the seven years' end ; secondly, that they should 
have two days a week for their own private employment, 
for the greater comfort of themselves and their families. 
But as letters are considered the best part of history by 
some wise men, I will show their grievances on the score 
by their own letters. 

Mr. JoJm Robinson at Leyden to Mr. John Carver in England: 

My dear Friend and Brother. 

Whom, with j'ours, I always remember in my best affection, and 
whose welfare I shall never cease to commend to God, by my best 
and most earnest prayers. 

You thoroughly understand by our general letters the state of 
things here, which indeed is very pitiful; especially the want of 
shipping, and not seeing means of providing it; though, in addi- 
tion, there is great want of money for other needful things. Mr. 
Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a penny here ; 
though Robert Cushman reckoned iTpon I know not how many 
hundred pounds from him, and I know not whom else. But it 
seems strange that we should be asked to take the risk of his and 
his partners' enterprise, — and yet Mr. Weston writes to him that 
he has drawn upon him for £ioo more. There is some mystery in 
this, as indeed there seems to be in the whole affair. Besides this, 
those who were to pay in such of their money as is yet in arrears, 
refuse to do it till they see shipping provided, or steps taken for 
its provision. Indeed, I think there is not a man here who would 
pay anything, if he had his money in his purse again. We depended 
on LIr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure; 
and when we had in hand another project with the Dutchmen, we 
broke it off at his instance and upon the conditions propounded by 



40 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

him shortly after. He had our interests sincerely at heart, I know ; 
but he has not fulfilled his pledges thus far. That he ought first to 
have put in his money is the opinion of many; but that I can well 
excuse, he being a merchant, and having uses for it in the mean- 
time to his benefit; whereas, others, if it had been in their hands, 
would have expended it. But that he should not have had shipping 
ready before this, or at least definite provision for it, duly made 
known to us, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard 
that when he has been urged about the business, he has put it off 
and referred it to others; or would go to George Morton and en- 
quire news of him about things, as if he himself had scarcely been 
even an accessory to it. Whether some of his friends have failed 
him, and so he is not able to go through with things ; or whether 
he fears it will be ready too soon and so increase the charge of 
shipping; or whether he thought by holding back to put us in 
straits, thinking that thereby Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would 
be induced to do more; or what other mystery is in it, we know 
not. But certain we are that the arrangements made do not accord 
with the requirements. Mr. Weston makes himself merry with 
our endeavours to buy a ship ; but we have done nothing about 
this without good reason, nor about anything else that I know 
of, except two. The one is that we employed Robert Cushman, 
who though a good man and of special ability in his way is known 
to be most unfit to deal for others, because of his singularity and 
too great indifference to the circumstances, — for, as a matter of 
fact, we have had nothing from him but terms and suggestions. 
The other is that we have relied too much by implicit faith as it 
were, upon generalities, without having the details of ways and 
means for so important an affair settled between us. For shipping, 
Mr. Weston it seems is set upon hiring, which I hope he may 
soon accomplish. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expect. I 
do not think Mr. Pickering will take part except to buy, as specified 
in former letters. 

About the conditions, you have our reasons for what is agreed 
upon. And let this specially be borne in mind ; that the greatest 
part of the colony is likely to be employed constantly not upon 
cultivating their own particular land, and building houses, but upon 
fishing, trading, etc. So, though the land and houses would be 
but a trifling advantage to the adventurers, the ultimate division of 
them would be a great discouragement to the settlers who would 
tend them with singular care, to make them comfortable, with 
borrowed hours from their sleep. The same consideration of com- 
mon employment, constantly, by the majority, is good reason not 
to deny to the planters the two days a week for private use. Con- 
sider how unfitting you would find it that you and your likes should 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 41 

serve a new apprenticeship of seven years, and not a day's freedom 
from task. 

Send me word what others are going; who that are possessed of 
useful faculties ; how many ; and particulars of everything. I 
know you do not lack a mind. I am sorry you have not been in 
London all this while. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare 
you and yours well, always in the Lord, in Whom I rest. 

Yours to use, 

JOHN ROBINSON. 
June i^th, 1620. 

Several of them at Leyden to John Carver and Robert Cushman in 
England: 

To their loving friends John Carver and Robert Cushman : 
Good Brethren, 

We received several letters at the coming of Mr. Nash and our 
pilot, which was a great encouragement to us. Indeed, had you 
not sent him, many would have been ready to lose heart, and give 
up — partly because of the new conditions which have been accepted 
by you, which all are against; and partly for lack of our own 
ability to accomplish any of the important matters which you have 
commissioned us to do here. As to the former, of which Robert 
Cushman requests reasons for our dislike and promises to alter 
them accordingly, saying that otherwise we must think he has no 
brains, — we desire him to exercise them therein, referring him to 
our pastor's former reasons. But our desire is that you will not 
bind j'ourselves and us to any such unreasonable stipulations, viz., 
that the merchants shall have half the houses and lands at the 
dividend; and that the settlers shall be deprived of the two days 
a week for their own work, as agreed upon, — otherwise we 
cannot conceive why any of us should take servants for our 
own help and comfort, since we could demand no service of them. 
This alteration we have gathered only by word from Mr. Nash, 
and not from any letters of yours ; so we hope you have not pro- 
ceeded far in so great a departure from the terms without our 
concurrence. However, requiring you not to exceed the bounds of 
your commission, which was to proceed upon the conditions agreed 
upon and expressed in writing, we leave it, — not without wonder- 
ing that you yourselves, as you write, knowing how small a thing 
disturbs our consultations, and hew few understand the business 
aright, should trouble us with such matters as these. 

Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not de- 
ceived. Pray make known our present condition to him, and, if you 
think good, show him our letters. At least tell him that, under 



42 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

God, we rely much upon him and put our confidence in him ; and 
that as you well know, if he had not joined v/ith us, we should not 
have entered upon the enterprise, presuming that if he had not 
seen means to accomplish it, he would not have begun it. So we 
hope that he will so far help us that our expectations in him be not 
disappointed. Thus beseeching the Almighty, Who is all-sufficient 
to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, and to assist us herein, 
and to supply means by His providence and fatherly care for us, 
His poor children and servants, that we may with comfort behold 
the hand of our God for good towards us in this our enterprise, 
which we undertake in His name and fear; we take leave and 
remain, 

Your perplexed, yet hopeful brethren, 

SAMUEL FULLER WILLIAM BRADFORD 

EDWARD WINSLOW ISAAC ALLERTON 

June loth, 1620. 

Robert Cusliman in England to the foregoing at Leyden: 

Brethren, 

I understand by letters that have come to me, that many of you 
greatly dislike my proceedings. Sorry I am to hear it, yet content 
to bear it, not doubting that partly by writing, and principally by 
word when we come together, I can satisfy any reasonable man. 
I have been persuaded by some, especially the bearer of this, to 
come and make things clear to you ; but as things now stand I 
cannot be absent one day, without hazarding the whole voyage ; nor 
do I conceive that any great good would come of it. Take then, 
brethren, this as a step to give you content. First, as to your dis- 
like of the alteration of one clause in the conditions: if you see 
it aright, no blame can lie on me at all. The articles first brought 
over by John Carver were never seen by any of the adventurers 
here except Mr. Weston himself, when he had well considered it. 
£500 was withdrawn by Sir George Farrer and his brother because 
of it, and all the rest would have v/ithdrawn (Mr. Weston ex- 
cepted), if we had not altered the clause. Now when we at Leyden 
concluded upon certain points, as we did, we reckoned without our 
host, which was not my fault. Besides, I showed you by letter the 
equity of the new condition as against our inconveniences, which 
might be set against all the inconveniences cited by Mr. Robinson, 
and showed that without the alteration of that clause, we could 
neither have means to get there, nor supplies for our subsistence 
when we arrived. Yet, notwithstanding all those reasons, which 
were not mine, but other men's wiser than myself, without answer 
to any one of them, many complaints are directed against me, of 



THE PL\TVIOUTII SETTLEMENT 43 

lording It over my brethren, and making conditions fitter for 
thieves and bondslaves than honest men. And at last came a paper 
of reasons against that clause in the conditions, which since they 
were delivered to me open, mj' answer shall be open to you all. 

1. First, it is said that if there had been no division of houses 
and lands, it would have been better for the poor : — 

True, — and that shows the inequality of the original conditions: 
we should more respect him that ventures both his money and his 
person, than him that ventures his person only. 

2. Consider, further, that we are not giving alms, but furnishing 
a store-house. No one will be poorer than his neighbour for 
seven years ; and, from the nature of the enterprise, if any of us 
be rich, none of us can be poor. At any rate we must not in 
such an undertaking start out with the cry, — Poor, poor; mercy, 
mercy! Charity has its life in disasters, not in ventures. 

•3. This will hinder the building of good houses, which is contrary 
to sound politics : — 

So we would have it. Our purpose is, for the present, to build 
such houses as, if need be, we may with little grief set fire to and 
run away by the light. Our riches shall not be in pomp, but in 
strength. If God sends us riches, we will employ them to provide 
more men, ships, ammunition, etc. You will see it argued amongst 
the best politicians, that a commonwealth is readier to ebb than to 
flow when once fine houses and gay clothes appear. 

4. The government can prevent excess in building: — 

But if it be generally resolved on beforehand to build modest 
houses, the Governor's labour is spared. 

5. All men are not of one condition : — 

If by "condition" you mean "v/ealth" you are mistaken; if you 
mean by "condition," "qualities," then I say that he who is not 
content that his neighbour shall liave as good a house, fare, means, 
etc., as himself, is not of good quality. Such secluded persons as 
have an eye only to themselves, are fitter to come where catching 
is, than closing; and are fitter to live alone, than in any society, 
either civil or religious. 

6. It will be of little value, scarcely worth £5 : — 

True; it may not be worth half £5. If then so small a thing will 
content them, why strive we thus about it, and give them occasion 
to suspect us to be worldly and covetous? I will not say what I 
have heard since these complaints first reached us here. 

7. Our friends that venture with us do not look to their own 
profit, as did the old adventurers : — 

Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profit are 
ready to draw back. Look to it, brethren, you that make profit 
your main end; repent of this, or go not, lest you be like Jonag 



44 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

to Tarshis. Though some of them have no eye for profit, others 
have; and why not they as much as we? Such ventures are under- 
taken by all sorts of men, and we must try to content them all 
if we can. 

8. It will break up the community, as may be shown by many 
reasons : — 

That is only a statement ; and I say again, it will best foster com- 
munity, as may be shown by many reasons. 

9. Great profit is likely to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. : — 
As it is better for them, so for us; for half is ours, besides 

getting our living from it. And if profit comes largely in that way, 
we shall labour less on the land, and our houses and lands will be 
of less value. 

10. Our risk is greater than theirs : — 

True, but do they force us to it? Do they urge or egg us? Has 
not the motion and resolution always been in ourselves? Do they, 
any more than in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to 
means upon eqvial terms and conditions? If we do not wish to 
go, they are content to keep their money. Thus I have pointed 
out a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider 
seriously, and let me have no more stir about them. 

Now, further, I hear a noise about slavish conditions being 
made ; but surely this is all that I have altered, and I have sent 
you the reasons. If you mean about the two days a week for per- 
sonal occupations, you are misled. You can have three days a 
week, as far as I care, if you wish ; and when speaking to the ad- 
venturers about times of working, they said they hoped we were 
men of discretion and conscience, and fit to be trusted Avith that. 
But indeed the grounds of our proceedings at Leyden were mis- 
taken. 

As for those of Amsterdam, I thought they would as soon have 
gone to Rome as with us ; for our liberty is to them as rat's-bane, 
and their rigour as bad to us as the Spanish inquisition. If any 
action of mine discourage them, let them withdraw. I will under- 
take they shall have their money back at once, paid here. Or if the 
congregation think me the Jonas, let them dismiss me before we 
go; I shall be content to stay with goodwill, having but the clothes 
on my back. Let us then have quietness, and no more of these 
clamours; little did I expect these things which are now come 
to pass. 

Yours, 
ROBERT CUSHMAN. 

Whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at 
Leyden, I know not; I rather think it wslS intercepted by 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 45 

Mr. Carver and kept by him, for fear it should give ofifence. 
But the letter which follows was received, 

Robert Cushnian in England in reply to the joint letter from 
Lcyden : 
I received your letter yesterday through John Turner, with 
another the same day from Amsterdam through Mr. W., savour- 
ing of the place whence it came. And indeed, the many discour- 
agements I find here, together with the demurs there, made me 
say I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his com- 
ing acquaint him fully with all, and so leave it entirely with only 
the poor clothes on my back. But gathering myself up, on further 
consideration I resolved to make one trial more, and to acquaint 
Mr. Weston with the unstable condition of things. He has been 
very discontented with us of late, and has even said that but for 
his promise he would have nothing more to do with the business; 
but considering how far we have gone already and how it stood 
with our credit, he pulled himself together, and coming to me two 
hours after, he told me he would not yet abandon it. So we de- 
cided to hire a ship, and have taken the option of one till Monday. 
It is small, but except one that was too large for our purpose, 
we could not get a larger ; but it is a fine ship. Since our friends 
over there are so close-fisted, we hope to secure her without 
troubling them any further; and if the ship is too small, it is only 
fitting that those who stumble at straws so early in the day, shall 
rest them there awhile, lest worse blocks come in the way ere 
seven years be ended. If you had faced this business so thoroughly 
a month ago, and had written as you do now, we could have con- 
cluded things with less difficulty. But it is as it is. I hope our 
friends there, if thej' are quit of the ship-hire, will be induced to 
venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and nets may 
be bought there, — all the rest we will provide here; and if even that 
be impossible, let them give you credit for a month or two, and 
we will take steps to pay it all. Let Mr. Reynolds remain there, 
and bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilot 
here, a Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of 
cattle. 

You shall hear more exactly by John Turner, who I think will 
leave here on Tuesday night. I had thought to come with him to 
answer the complaints ; but if I had more mind to go and dis- 
pute with them than I have care of this important project, I 
should be like those who live by clamour and jangling. But neither 
my mind nor my body is at liberty to do much, for I am fettered 
with business, and had rather study to be quiet than to make answer 
to their exceptions. Meanwhile entreat our friends not to be too 



46 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

busy in questioning my actions before they know tbem. If I do 
things that I cannot give reasons for, it seems you have sent a fool 
about your business ; in that case you had best return the reproof to 
yourselves, and send another, and let me return to my combes. 
The Lord, Who judges justly without respect of persons, see into 
the equity of my cause and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient 
minds in all these turmoils, and sanctify us unto all crosses what- 
soever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love and affection. 
I hope we shall get all ready here in fourteen days. 
Your poor brother, 

ROBERT CUSHMAN. 
June nth, 1620. 

There arose, also, a difference between the three that re- 
ceived the money and made the provisions in England; for 
besides the two formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden, — 
John Carver and Robert Cushman, — there was one chosen 
in England to join them in making provisions for the voy- 
age. His name was Mr. Martin ; he came from Billirike 
in Essex, whence several others came to join them, as well 
as from London and other places. It was thought right 
by those in Holland that these strangers who were to go 
with them should appoint some one, not so much from any 
great need of their help, as to avoid all suspicion or jealousy. 
Indeed their care not to give offence, both in this and other 
things, afterwards greatly inconvenienced them, as will ap- 
pear. However, it showed their equal and honest minds. 
The provisions were made for the most part at Southamp- 
ton, contrary to Mr. Weston's and Robert Cushman's advice 
(which generally concurred in these things). Reference to 
these matters is made in the following letter from Robert 
Cushman to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterwards. 

Robert Cushman in London to John Carver at Southampton: 

Loving Friend, 

I have received some letters from you, full of affection and com- 
plaints ; but what it is you want me to do I know not. You cry 
out, Negligence, negligence, negligence: I marvel why so negligent 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 47 

a man as myself was emp1o3'ed to undertake the business. Yet you 
know that as far as my power permits, nothing shall be one hour 
behind, I warrant you. You call upon Mr. Weston to help us with 
more money than his share in the adventure ; while he protests that, 
but for his promise, he would not have done anything further. He 
says we take a heady course ; and he is offended that our provisions 
are being made so far off, and that he was not made acquainted 
with our quantity of things. He says that working thus, in three 
places, so far distant, we shall, with going hither and thither, 
wrangling and expostulating, let the summer slip by before we 
start. And to tell the truth, there is already a flat schism among us. 
We are readier to dispute than to undertake a voyage. I have 
received from Leyden, since you went, three or four letters directed 
to you ; though as they only concern me I will not trouble you 
with them. 

I have always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in 
with us. I trow j'ou must excommunicate me, or else go without 
their company, or we shall not lack quarrelling; but let that pass. 
We have reckoned, it seems, without our host ; and counting upon 
150 persons, we cannot raise above £1200 odd, besides some cloth, 
stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come 
short at least three or four hundred pounds. I would have reduced 
the beer and other provisions ; and now we could get, both in Am- 
sterdam and Kent, beer enough ; but we cannot accept it without 
prejudice. 

You fear we have begun to build and shall not be able to make 
an end. Our plans for provisioning not having been made in con- 
sultation, we may justly fear the results. There was contention 
amongst us three at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin to prevent 
the making of the provisions in Kent; which he did nevertheless, 
and decided how much he would have of everything, irrespective 
of us. However, your money which you must have there, we will 
provide 3'ou with instantly. £500 you say will serve; as for the 
rest, which will be required here and in Holland, we may go 
scratch for it. As for Mr. Crabe, the minister, of whom you write, 
he has promised to go with us ; but I shall not be sure till I see 
him shipped, for he is contentious on many points ; still, I hope he 
will not fail. Think the best of all, and bear with patience what 
is wanting, and the Lord guide us all. 

Your loving friend, 

ROBERT CUSHMAN. 
London, June loth, 1620. 

I have been more discursive on these subjects, — and shall 
crave leave to be so concerning some similar occurrences 



48 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

which will follow ; though in other things I shall try to be 
more concise. My object is that their children may see with 
what difficulties their fathers had to wrestle in accomplish- 
ing the first beginnings; and how God ultimately brought 
them through, notwithstanding all their weakness and in- 
firmities ; also that some use may be made of them later, by 
others, in similar important projects. Herewith I will end 
this chapter. 



CHAPTER VII 

Departure from Leyden — Arrival and Preparations at South- 
ampton — Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to the 
whole party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620. 

At length after much discussion everything was got ready. 
A small ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, intended 
to help transport them, and then to remain in the country 
for fishing and such other pursuits as might benefit the 
colony. Another ship was hired at London, of about i8o 
tons. When they were ready to depart, they had a day of 
solemn humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra 
viii., 21 : "And there at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a 
fast that we might humble ourselves before our God, and 
seek of Him a right way for us and for our children, and 
for all our substance." Upon this discourse he spent a 
good part of the day very profitably. The rest of the time 
was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with great 
fervency and abundance of tears. 

The time having come when they must depart, they were 
accompanied by most of their brethren out of the city to 
a town several miles ofif, called Delfthaven, where the ship 
lay ready to take them. So they left that good and pleasant 
city, which had been their resting place for nearly twelve 
years; but they knew they were pilgrims, and lifted up 
their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and quieted 
their spirits. When they came to the place, they found 
the ship and everything ready, and such of their friends as 
could not come with them followed them, and several came 
from Amsterdam to see them shipped and to take leave of 

49 



50 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

them. That night there was httle sleep for most of them, 
for it was spent in friendly entertainment and Christian 
discourse and other real expressions of true Christian love. 
The next day the wind being fair they went aboard and their 
friends with them, — and truly doleful was the sight of that 
sad and mournful parting. What sighs and sobs and 
prayers rose from amongst them ! What tears gushed from 
every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each heart ! Many of 
the Dutch strangers who stood on the quay as spectators, 
could not refrain from tears. Yet it was comfortable and 
sweet to see such lively and true expressions of dear and 
unfeigned love. But the tide which stays for no man called 
them away, though loth to part; and their reverent pastor, 
falling down on his knees, and all with him, with watery 
cheeks commended them with most fervent prayers to the 
Lord and His blessing. Then with mutual embraces and 
many tears, they took their leave of one another, — which 
proved to be the last leave for many of them. 

Thus, hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind they came in 
short time to Southampton, where they found the bigger 
ship from London lying ready with all the rest of the com- 
pany. After a joyful welcome and mutual congratulations 
with other friendly entertainment, they came to the subject 
of their business, and how to conclude it most expeditiously, 
and discussed with their agents the alteration of the con- 
ditions. Mr. Carver pleaded that he was employed here at 
Southampton, and did not know what his colleague had done 
in London. Mr. Cushman answered that he had done 
nothing but what was essential, both in fairness and of 
necessity, otherwise all would have been sacrificed and many 
ruined. He stated that at the outset he had acquainted his 
fellow-agents with what he had done, and that they had con- 
sented, and left it to him to execute, to receive the money in 
London and send it down to them at Southampton, where 



THE PLYINIOUTH SETTLEMENT 51 

they wished to buy provisions; which he accordingly did, 
though it was against his advice and some of the merchants'. 
As for giving them notice at Ley den, about this change he 
could not, because of the shortness of time ; again, he knew 
it would trouble them and hinder the business, which had 
already been too long delayed, considering the time of the 
year, which he feared they would find to their cost. 

But these explanations did not content his hearers. Mr. 
Weston also came up from London to see them embark, 
and to have the conditions confirmed ; but they refused, and 
told him that he knew well that they were not according to 
the first agreement, nor could they endorse them without the 
consent of the rest in Holland. In fact they had special 
orders when they came away, from the chief men of the 
congregation, not to do it. At this he was much offended, 
and told them in that case they must stand on their own 
legs ; so he returned to London in displeasure. They lacked 
about £ioo to clear their obligations; but he would not dis- 
burse a penny, and left them to shift as they could. So 
they were forced to sell some of their provisions, including 
some three or four firkins of butter, which they were best 
able to spare, having provided too much. Then they wrote 
a letter to the merchants and adventurers about the changes 
in the conditions as follows: 

The Pilgrims at Southampton to the Merchants and Adventurers: 

Beloved Friends, 

We are sorry that it should be necessary to write to you at all, be- 
cause we hoped to see most of you here; but especially we regret 
that there should be these diflferences between us. Since we cannot 
confer together, we think it proper to show you briefly the just 
cause of our dissenting from the articles last made by Robert 
Cushman, without our commission or knowledge. For, though he 
might make good excuses to himself, it in no way justifies his 
having done it. Our main differences lie in the fifth and ninth 
articles, concerning the division of houses or lands, the possession 



6^ BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

of which, as some you know, was one special motive amongst others 
which induced us to go. This was thought so reasonable, that 
when your chief partner in this venture (whom we have much cause 
to respect) proposed conditions to us of his own accord, he added 
this one. A copy of these conditions we have sent to you, includ- 
ing some proposed by us ; which being approved on both sides, and 
a day set for the payment of the money, those of Holland paid 
in theirs. After that, Robert Cushman, Mr. Pierce, and Mr. Martin 
put them into better form, and wrote them in a book now extant; 
and upon Robert's showing Mr. Mullins a copy he paid in his 
money. And we of Holland had never seen any other agreement 
before our coming to Southampton, except for a private copy of 
changed conditions which reached us, and at which we manifested 
utter dislike ; but having sold our estates and being ready to come, 
it was too late to give up the voyage. We beseech you, therefore, 
to judge impartially of things, and if a fault has been committed, 
lay it where it should be, and not upon us. 

We never gave Robert Cushman commission to draw up a single 
article for us, but only sent him to receive money upon the articles 
before agreed on, and to arrange for the provisions till John Carver 
came, and to assist him in it. However, since you conceive your- 
selves wronged as well as we, we have made an addition to our 
9th article, such as will almost heal the wound of itself. But that 
it may appear to all that we are not lovers of ourselves only, but 
desire also the good of our friends who have ventured their money 
with our persons, we have added the last article to the rest, 
promising you again by letter, on behalf of the whole company, 
that if large profits should not arise during the seven years, we 
will remain longer with you if the Lord give a blessing. We are 
in such straits at present that we are forced to sell £60 worth of 
our provisions to clear the Haven, and put ourselves upon bare 
necessities, scarcely having any butter, no oil, not a soul to mend 
a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, lacking many muskets, 
much armour, etc. And yet we are willing to expose ourselves to 
such imminent dangers as are likely to ensue, and trust to the 
good providence of God, rather than His name and truth should 
be evil spoken of through us. Thus saluting all of you in love, 
we take our leave and rest, 

Yours, etc. 
Aug. 3rd, 1620. 

It v^as subscribed with the names of the chief members 

of the congregation. 

At their parting Mr. Robinson wrote a letter to the whole 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 53 

party of the pilgrims which, though it has already been 
printed, I thought well to insert here; also a brief letter 
written at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender 
love and godly care of a true pastor appears. 

Mr. John Robinson in Holland to John Carver at Southampton: 

My dear Brother, 

I received enclosed in your last letter the note of information, 
which I shall certainly keep and make use of, when occasion arises. 
I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind and toil of body; 
but I hope that you, who have always been able so plentifully to 
administer comfort to others in their trials, are so well furnished 
for yourself that even far greater difficulties than you have yet 
undergone (though I conceive them to have been great enough) 
cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle says. 
The spirit of a man, sustained by the spirit of God, will sustain his 
infirmity, and, I doubt not, so will yours ; and much the better 
when you enjoy the presence and help of so many godly and wise 
brethren, in bearing part of your burden, who will not admit into 
their hearts the least thought or suspicion of the least negligence, 
still less presumption, to have been in you, whatever they may 
think of others. Now what shall I say and write to you and your 
good wife, my loving sister? Even only this: I desire, and always 
shall, from the Lord unto you as unto my own soul ; and assure 
yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not delay 
my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written a 
large letter to the whole company, and am sorry that I shall 
not be able to speak with them ; the more so considering the 
want of a preacher, which will be an additional spur to my 
hastening after you. I do ever commend my best affection to you, 
which if I thought you doubted, I would express in more words. 
And the Lord in whom you trust, and whom you serve ever in this 
business and journey, guide you with His hand, protect you with 
His wing, and show you and us His salvation in the end, and bring 
us in the meanwhile together in the place desired, if such be His 
good will, for His Christ's sake. Amen. 

Yours, 

JOHN ROBINSON. 
July 27th, 1620. 

This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from 
him. 



54 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

Mr. John Robinson in Holland to the Pilgrims departing frotn 
Southampton for New EngMid: 

Loving Christian Friends, 

I salute you all heartily in the Lord, as being they with whom I 
am present in my best affections and most earnest longings, though 
I am constrained for a time to be bodily absent from you. I say 
constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather than 
otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, 
were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. Think of 
me in the meanwhile as of a man divided in himself with great 
pain, and (physical limitations set aside) as having his better part 
with 3'ou. Though I doubt not that in your godly wisdom, you 
foresee what is applicable to your present condition, I have thought 
it but my duty to add some further spur, even to those who run 
already, — not because you need it, but because I owe it in love and 
duty. 

First, as we ought daily to renew our repentance with our God, 
especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown 
trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon 
such an occasion of difficulty and danger as lies before you, both 
to more narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in His 
sight lest He, calling to remembrance of our sins forgotten by 
us or unrepented of, take advantage of us, and, as a judgment 
upon us, leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or another. 
Whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest re- 
pentance, and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up into 
a man's conscience by His spirit, great shall be his security and 
peace in all dangers, sweet his comfort in all distresses, with happy, 
deliverance from all evil, Avhether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own con- 
science, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men so far 
as in us lieth especially with our associates; and for that we must 
be watchful that we ourselves neither give, nor easilj' take, offence. 
Woe be imto the world for offences; for though it be necessary 
(considering the malice of Satan and man's corruption) that offences 
come, yet woe unto the man or woman either, by whom the offence 
come, saith Christ (Math, xviii, 7). And if offences arising from 
unseasonable actions, innocent in themselves, are more to be feared 
than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth (I Cor. ix, 15), how 
much more when arising from things simply evil, in which neither 
honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. 
Nor is it sufficient that we keep ourselves by the grace of God 
from giving offence, except we be armed also against taking offence 
when it is given by others. For how imperfect is the work of 



THE PLYI^IOUTPI SETTLEMENT 55 

grace in him who lacks the charity that covers a multitude of 
offence, as the scripture says. Neither are you exhorted to this 
grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity. Persons 
ready to take offence, either lack the charity which should cover 
offences ; or the wisdom duly to weigh human frailty ; or lastly, 
are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord te?.ches 
(Math, vii, I, 2, 3). In my own experience I have found few who 
are quicker to give offence, than those who easily take it. They 
who have nourished this touchy humour have never proved sound 
and profitable members in societies. 

But there are, besides, many reasons why j'ou, above others, 
should use special care in this direction. You are, many of you, 
strangers to each other and to the infirmities of one another, and 
so stand in need of the more watchfulness, lest when unsuspected 
qualities appear in men and women, you be inordinately affected 
by them. This requires at your hands much wisdom and charity. 
Further, the plans for your intended civil community will furnish 
continual occasion of offence, and will be as fuel to the fire, unless 
you diligently quench it with brotherh' forbearance. And if taking 
offence causelessly or easily at men's doings should be so carefully 
avoided, how much more is it to be heeded lest we take offence at 
God himself, — which we do as often as we murmur at His provi- 
dence in our crosses, or bear impatiently such aflhctions as He 
pleases to visit upon us. Store up, therefore, patience against the 
evil day, with which we take offence at the Lord Himself in His 
holy and just works. 

A fourth thing is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with 
your employments, which will be common to all, you join affections 
truly bent upon the general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague 
of your comfort, all retiredness of mind for selfish advantage. Let 
every one repress within himself, as so many rebels against the 
common good, all private partialities, not consistent with the general 
convenience and as one is careful not to have a new house shaken 
with any violence before it is well settled and the parts firmly 
knit, so be 3'ou, I beseech you brethren, much more careful, that 
the house of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken 
with unnecessary novelties or other oppositions at the first settling 
thereof. 

Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, administering 
among yourselves civil government, and are furnished with persons 
of no special eminence above the rest, from whom you will 
elect some to the office of government, let your wisdom and godli- 
ness appear, not only in choosing such persons as will entirely love 
and promote the common good, but also in yielding them all due 
honour and obedience in their lawful administrations; not behold- 



56 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

ing in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God's ordinance 
for your good ; nor being like the foolish multitude, who honour 
a gay coat more than either the virtuous mind of the wearer or 
the glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better, and 
understand that the image of the Lord's power and authority which 
the magistrate bears, is honourable, in how humble persons soever. 
And this duty you can the more willingly perform, because you are 
at present to have only those for your governors as you yourselves 
shall choose. 

Several other things of importance I could put you in mind of, 
but I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think you 
heedless of these things, there being many among you well able 
both to admonish themselves and others. These few things, there- 
fore, I do earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, join- 
ing therewith my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He 
Who has made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers 
of waters, and Whose providence is over all His works, especially 
over all His dear children for good, would so guide and guard 
you in your ways, as inwardly by His spirit, so outwardly by the 
hand of His power, that both you and we also may praise His 
name all the days of our lives. Fare you well in Him in Whom 
you trust, and in Whom I rest. 

An unfeigned well-wilier of your happy success in this hopeful 
voyage, 

JOHN ROBINSON. 

This letter, though long, being so suitable to the occasion 
I thought well to insert here. 

Everything being now^ ready, and all business completed 
the company was called together, and this letter was read 
to them, and was well received by all, and afterwards bore 
fruit in many. Then they allotted the company to each ship 
as they thought best, and chose governors and two or three 
assistants, to take charge of the people on the way, and to 
see to the distribution of their provisions, and such affairs. 
Which done, they set sail from Southampton, about the 5th 
of August ; but what befell them further upon the coast of 
England will appear in the next chapter. 



CHAPTER VIII 

Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at 
Dartmouth and PljTnouth: Aiigust and September, 1620. 

Having thus put to sea, they had not gone far when Mr. 
Reynolds, the captam of the smaller ship, complained that 
he found her so leaky that he dare not go further till she 
was mended. So the captain of the bigger ship, Mr. Jones, 
being consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dart- 
mouth and have her mended, which accordingly was done, 
at great expense and loss of time and a fair wind. She 
was here thoroughly searched from stem to stern, some 
leaks were found and mended, and it was then believed 
that she might proceed without danger. So with good hope 
tliey put to sea again, thinking they would go comfortably 
on, not looking for any more hindrances of this kind. But 
after they had gone lOO leagues beyond Land's End holding 
together all the while, the captain of the small ship again 
complained that she was so leaky that he must bear up or 
sink at sea, for they could scarcely keep her afloat by pump- 
ing. So they consulted again, and both ships resolved to 
bear up again and put into Plymouth, which accordingly 
was done. No special leak could be found, but it was judged 
to be the general weakness of the ship, and that she would 
not prove equal to the voyage. Upon which it was resolved 
to dismiss her, and part of the company, and proceed with 
the other ship; which, though it caused great discourage- 
ment, was put into execution. So after they had taken out 
such provisions as the other ship could well stow, and de- 
cided what persons to send back, they made another sad 

67 



68' BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

parting, the one ship going back to London, and the other 
proceeding on her voyage. Those that went back were 
mostly such as were wilHng to do so, either from discontent 
or fear of the ill success of the voyage, seeing they had met 
with so many crosses and the year was so far spent. Others, 
owing to their weakness and having many young children, 
were thought least useful and most unfit to bear the brunt 
of this arduous adventure; to which work of God and the 
judgment of their brethren they were contented to submit. 
And thus, like Gideon's army, this small number was 
divided, as if the Lord thought these few too many for the 
great work He had to do. 

It was afterwards found that the leakiness of the ship was 
partly caused by being overmasted and too much pressed 
with sail ; for after she was sold and put into trim she made 
many voyages, to the profit of her owners. But it was 
partly due to the cunning and deceit of the captain and his 
crew, who had been hired to stay a whole year at the Settle- 
ment, and now, fearing want of victuals, they plotted this 
stratagem to free themselves, as was afterwards confessed 
by some of them. Yet in order to encourage the captain the 
majority of those who had come from Leyden had been put 
aboard this ship, to content him. But so strong was self- 
love that he forgot all duty and former kindnesses, and 
dealt thus falsely with them, though he pretended otherwise. 

Amongst those who returned was Mr. Cushman and his 
family, whose heart and courage had failed them before. 
He was assistant to Mr. Martin, who was governor in the 
bigger ship. I insert here a passionate letter he wrote to 
a friend in London from Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay 
there mending, which, besides the expression of his own 
fears, shows how the providence of God was working for 
their good beyond man's expectations, and other things 
concerning their condition in these straits. And though it 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 59 

discloses some infirmities in him (as who under temptation 
is free), he afterwards continued to be a special instrument 
for their good, and performed the offices of a loving friend 
and faithful brother to them, and was a partaker of much 
comfort with them. 

Robert Cushman at Dartmouth to Edward Southworth, at Hejanage 
House, Duke's Place, London. 

Loving Friend, 

My most kind remembrances to you and your wife, with loving 
E. M., etc., whom in this world I never look to see again. For 
beside the imminent dangers of this voyage, which are no less 
than deadly, an infirmity has seized me which will not in all likeli- 
hood leave me till death. What to call it I know not; but it is, 
as it were, a bundle of lead crushing my heart more and more these 
fourteen days, so that though I perform the actions of a living 
man I am but as dead ; but the will of God be done. 

Our pinace will not cease leaking, else I think we had been half 
way to Virginia. Our voyage hither has been as full of crosses 
as ourselves have been of crookedness. We put in here to trim 
her, and I think if we had stayed at sea but three or four hours 
more she would have sunk. And though she was twice trimmed 
at Southampton she is still as open and leaky as a sieve. We lay 
at Southampton seven days, in fair weather, waiting for her; and 
now we lie here waiting for her in as fair a wind as can blow, 
and so have done these four days, and are likely to lie four more, 
and by that time the wind may have turned as it did at South- 
ampton. Our victuals will be half eaten up, I think, before we 
leave the coast of England, and if our voyage last long we shall 
not have a month's victuals when we arrive. .Nearly £700 has been 
spent in Southampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin says 
he neither can nor will give any account of it ; and if he is called 
upon for accounts he cries out that we are ungrateful for his 
pains and care, and that we are suspicious of him. Also he in- 
sults our poor people, and treats them with scorn and contempt, 
as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would 
break your heart to hear the mourning of our poor people. They 
complain to me, and alas! I can do nothing for them. If I speak 
to him he flies in my face as mutinous, and says no complaints 
shall be heard or received but by himself, and they are forward, 
waspish, and discontented people. There are others who would 
gladly lose all they have put in, or make sjitisfaction for what they 



60 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

have had, if they might only depart; but he will not listen to them 
or allow them to go ashore lest they should run away. The sailors, 
too, are so annoyed at his ignorant boldness, in meddling with 
things he knows nothing of, that some threaten to do him mischief. 
He makes himself a laughing stock. 

As for Mr. Weston, unless grace is with him he will hate us 
ten times more than ever he loved us, for not confirrning the 
conditions. Now that they have met some reverses they begin to 
see the truth, and say Mr. Robinson was at fault to tell them never 
to consent to those conditions, or put me in office. But he and 
they will rue it too late. Four or five of the chief of them from 
Leyden came resolved never to go on those conditions. Mr. 
Martin said he never received any money on those conditions, and 
that he was not beholden to the merchants for a pin; that they 
were blood-suckers, and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed 
never made any conditions with the merchants, nor ever spoke 
with them. But did all that money fly to Southampton, or was 
it his own? Who would go and lay out money so rashly and 
lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it or on what 
conditions? Secondly, I told him of the alterations long ago, and 
he was content; but now he domineers, and says I betrayed them 
into the hands of slave-drivers; he is not beholden to them; he 
can fit out two ships himself for a voyage — when he has only £50 
worth of shares in the venture, and if he gave in his accounts he 
would not have a penny left, as I am persuaded. 

Friend, if ever we establish a colony, God works a miracle; 
especially considering how scanty our provisions will be and most 
of all how disunited we are among ourselves, and devoid of good 
leaders. Violence will break all. Where is the meek and humble 
spirit of Moses and of Nehemiah, who re-edified the walls of 
Jerusalem and the state of Israel? Is not the sound of Rehoboam's 
bragging daily among us here? Have not the philosophers and all 
wise men observed, that even in settled commonwealths violent 
governors bring either themselves or people or both to ruin? How 
much more in the building of commonwealths, when the mortar is 
scarcely hardened which is to bind the walls. If I were to write 
you everything that foreruns our ruin, I should overcharge my 
weak head and grieve your tender heart ; only this, — prepare for 
evil tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly. It may 
be the Lord may yet be entreated. 

I see not how in reason we can escape the gasping of hunger- 
starved persons; but God can do much, and His will be done. It 
is better for me to die now than to bear it. Poor William King 
and I strive who shall first be meat for the fishes ; but we look 
for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT Gl 

no more; but, looking unto the joy that is before us, we will endure 
all these things and account them light in comparison of the joy 
we hope for. Remember me in all love to our friends, as if I 
named them, whose prayers I desire earnestly, and wish again to 
see, but not till I can look them in the face with more comfort. 
The Lord give us that true comfort which none can take from 
us. I desired to send a brief account of our condition to some 
friend. I doubt not but you will know when to speak a word 
in season. What I have written is true, and much more which I 
have foreborne to mention. I write it as upon my life and my 
last confession in England. What you deem well to mention at 
once, you may speak of; and what is best to conceal, conceal. 
Excuse my weak manner, for mj^ head is weak and my body is 
feeble. The Lord make me strong in Him, and keep both you 
and yours. 

Your loving friend, 

ROBERT CUSHMAN. 
Dartmouth, Aug. 17th, 1620. 

These being his fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be 
much stronger when he arrived at Plymouth. 



CHAPTER IX 

The Mayflower sails from Plymouth — Voyage — Arrival at 
Cape Cod: September-November, 1620 

These troubles being over, and all being together in the 
one ship, they put to sea again on September 6th with a 
prosperous wind, which continued for several days and was 
some encouragement to them, though, as usual, many were 
afflicted with sea-sickness. I must not omit to mention 
here a special example of God's providence. There was 
an insolent and very profane young man, — one of the 
sailors, which made him the more overbearing, — who was 
always harassing the poor people in their sickness, and 
cursing them daily with grievous execrations, and did not 
hesitate to tell them that he hoped to help throw half of 
them overboard before they came to their journey's end. 
If he were gently reproved by any one, he would curse and 
swear most bitterly. But it pleased God, before they came 
half seas over, to smite the young man with a grievous 
disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, and so 
was himself the first to be thrown overboard. Thus his 
curses fell upon his own head, which astonished all his 
mates for they saw it was the just hand of God upon him. 

After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for some 
time, they encountered cross winds and many fierce storms 
by which the ship was much shaken and her upper works 
made very leaky. One of the main beams amid-ships was 
bent and cracked, which made them afraid that she might 
not be able to complete the voyage. So sotne of the chief 
of the voyagers, seeing that the sailors doubted the efficiency 

62 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 63 

of the ship, entered into serious consultation with the cap- 
tain and officers, to weigh the danger betimes and rather to 
return than to cast themselves into desperate and inevitable 
peril. Indeed there was great difference of opinion amongst 
the crew themselves. They wished to do whatever could be 
done for the sake of their wages, being now half way over; 
on the other hand they were loth to risk their lives too 
desperately. But at length all opinions, the captain's and 
others' included, agreed that the ship was sound under the 
water-line, and as for the buckling of the main beam, there 
was a great iron screw the passengers brought out of Hol- 
land, by which the beam could be raised into its place ; and 
the carpenter affirmed that with a post put under it, set firm 
in the lower deck, and otherwise fastened, he could make it 
hold. As for the decks and upper works, they said they 
would calk them as well as they could ; and though with the 
working of the ship they would not long keep stanch, yet 
there would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not 
overpress her with sail. 

So they committed themselves to the will of God, and 
resolved to proceed. In several of these storms the wind 
was so strong and the seas so high that they could not carry 
a knot of sail, but were forced to hull for many days. Once, 
as they thus lay at hull in a terrible storm, a strong young 
man, called John Howland, coming on deck was thrown 
into the sea ; but it pleased God that he caught hold of the 
top-sail halliards which hung overboard and ran out at 
length ; but he kept his hold, though he was several fathoms 
under water, till he was hauled up by the rope and then 
with a boat-hook helped into the ship and saved ; and though 
he was somewhat ill from it he lived many years and became 
a profitable member both of the church and commonwealth. 
In all the voyage only one of the passengers died, and that 
was William Button, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller, 



64 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

when they were nearing the coast. But to be brief, after 
long beating at sea, on November nth they fell in with a 
part of the land called Cape Cod, at which they were not a 
little joyful. After some deliberation among themselves and 
with the captain, they tacked about and resolved to stand 
for the southward, the wind and weather being fair, to find 
some place near Hudson's River for their habitation. But 
after they had kept that course about half a day, they met 
with dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and as they 
conceived themselves in great danger, — the wind falling, — 
they resolved to bear up again for the Cape, and thought 
themselves happy to get out of danger before night overtook 
them, as by God's providence they did. Next day they got 
into the bay, where they rode in safety. 

A word or two, by the way, of this Cape. It was first 
thus named by Captain Gosnold and his people in 1602, 
because they caught much of that fish there ; and afterwards 
was called Cape James by Captain Smith ; but it retains the 
former name among seamen. The point where they first 
met with those dangerous shoals they called Point Care, or 
Tucker's Terror ; but the French and Dutch to this day call 
it Malabar. 

Having found a good haven and being brought safely in 
sight of land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God 
of Heaven who had brought them over the vast and furious 
ocean, and delivered them from all the perils and miseries 
of it, again to set their feet upon the firm and stable earth, 
their proper element. And no marvel that they were thus 
joyful, when the wise Seneca was so affected with sailing 
a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, that he affirmed 
he had rather taken twenty years to make his way by land, 
than to go by sea to any place in however short a time. — 
so tedious and dreadful it was to him. 

But here I cannot but make a pausej, and stand half 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 65 

amazed at this poor people's present condition ; and so I 
think will the reader, too, when he considers it well. Hav- 
ing thus passed the vast ocean, and that sea of troubles 
before while they were making their preparations, they now 
had no friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain and 
refresh their weatherbeaten bodies, nor houses — much less 
towns — to repair to. 

It is recorded in scripture (Acts, xxviii) as a mercy to 
the apostle and his shipwrecked crew, that the barbarians 
showed them no small kindness in refreshing them; but 
these savage barbarians when they met with them (as will 
appear) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows than 
otherwise ! As for the season, it was winter, and those who 
have experienced the winters of the country know them to 
be sharp and severe, and subject to fierce storms, when it 
is dangerous to travel to known places, — much more to 
search an unknown coast. Besides, what could they see 
but a desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men ; 
and what multitude there might be of them they knew not ! 
Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, 
to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to 
feed their hopes; for which way soever they turned their 
eyes (save upward to the Heavens!) they could gain little 
solace from any outward objects. Summer being done, 
all things turned upon them a weather-beaten face; and 
the whole country, full of woods and thickets, presented a 
wild and savage view. 

If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean 
which they had passed, and was now a gulf separating 
them from all civilized parts of the world. If it be said 
that they had their ship to turn to, it is true; but what did 
they hear daily from the captain and crew? That they 
should quickly look out for a place with their shallop, where 
they would be not far off ; for the season was such that the 



66 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

captain would not approach nearer to the shore till a har- 
bour had been discovered which he could enter safely; 
and that the food was being consumed apace, but he must 
and would keep sufficient for the return voyage. It was 
even muttered by some of the crew that if they did not 
find a place in time, they would turn them and their goods 
ashore and leave them. 

Let it be remembered, too, what small hope of further 
assistance from England they had left behind them, to 
support their courage in this sad condition and the trials 
they were under; for how the case stood between the 
settlers and the merchants at their departure has already 
been described. It is true, indeed, that the affection and 
love of their brethren at Leyden towards them was cordial 
and unbroken; but they had little power to help them or 
themselves. 

What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of 
God, and His grace ? Ought not the children of their fathers 
rightly to say: Our fathers were Englishmen who came 
over the great ocean, and were ready to perish in this 
wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, and He heard 
their voice, and looked on their adversity. . . . Let them 
therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His 
mercies endure forever. Yea, let them that have been re- 
deemed of the Lord, show how He hath delivered them 
from the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered 
forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and found 
no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was 
overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord 
His loving kindness, and His wonderful works before the 
sons of men! 



CHAPTER X 

The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover 
the Harbour of Ne^v Pljonouth: November-December, 1620 

They thus arrived at Cape Cod on the nth of Novem- 
ber, and necessity called on them to look out for a place 
of habitation. Having brought a large shallop with them 
from England, stowed in quarters in the ship, they now 
got her out, and set their carpenters to work to trim her 
up ; but being much bruised and battered in the foul weather 
they saw she would be long mending. So a few of them 
volunteered to go by land and explore the neighbouring 
parts, whilst the shallop was put in order; particularly 
since, as they entered the bay, there seemed to be an 
opening some two or three leagues off, which the captain 
thought was a river. It was conceived there might be some 
danger in the attempt; but seeing them resolute, sixteen 
of them, well-armed, were permitted to go, under charge of 
Captain Standish. They set forth on the 15th of Novem- 
ber, being landed by the ship's boat, and when they had 
marched about the space of a mile by the sea-side, they 
espied five or six persons with a dog coming towards them. 
They were savages ; but they fled back in^o the woods, 
followed by the English, who wished to see if they could 
speak with them, and to discover if there were more lying 
in ambush. But the Indians, seeing themselves followed, 
left the woods, and ran along the sands as hard as they 
could, so our men could not come up with them, but followed 
the track of their feet several miles. Night coming on, they 
made their rendezvous, and set sentinels, and rested in 

67 



68 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

quiet. Next morning they again pursued the Indians' 
tracks, till they came to a great creek, where they had 
left the sands and turned into the woods. But they con- 
tinued to follow them by guess, hoping to find their dwel- 
lings; but soon they lost both the Indians and themselves, 
and fell into such thickets that their clothes and armour 
were injured severely; but they suffered most from want 
of water. At length they found some, and refreshed them- 
selves with the first New England water they had drunk ; 
and in their great thirst they found it as pleasant as wine 
or beer had been before. Afterwards they directed their 
course towards the other shore, for they knew it was only 
a neck of land they had to cross over. At length they got 
to the sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, and 
by the way found a pond of fresh water, and shortly after 
a quantity of cleared ground where the Indians had for- 
merly planted corn ; and they found some of their graves. 
Proceeding further, they saw stubble where corn had been 
grown the same year, and also found a place where a 
house had lately been, wnth some planks, smd a great kettle 
and heaps of sand newly banked, under which they found 
several large baskets filled with corn, some in the ear of 
various colours, which was a very goodly sight they hav- 
ing never seen any like it before. This was near the 
supposed river that they had come to seek. When they 
reached it, they found that it opened into two arms, with 
a high cliff of sand at the entrance, but more likely to 
be creeks of salt water than fresh, they thought. There 
was good harbourage for their shallop, so they left it to be 
further explored when she was ready. The time allowed 
them having expired, they returned to the ship, lest the 
others should be anxious about their safety. They took 
part of the corn and buried the rest; and so, like the men 
from Eschol, carried with them of the fruits of the land, 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 69 

and showed their brethren; at which the rest were very 
glad, and greatly encouraged. 

After this, the shallop being ready, they set out again 
for the better reconnoitering of the place. The captain 
of the ship desired to go himself, so there were some thirty 
men. However, they found it to be no harbour for ships, 
but only for boats. They also found two of the Indiana' 
houses covered with mats, and some of their implements 
in them; but the people had run away and could not be 
seen. They also found more corn, and beans of various 
colours. These they brought away, intending to give them 
full satisfaction when they should meet with any of them, 
—as about six months afterwards they did. 

And it is to be noted as a special providence of God, 
and a great mercy to this poor people, that they thus got 
seed to plant corn the next year, or they might have 
starved; for they had none, nor any likelihood of getting 
any, till too late for the planting season. Nor is it likely 
that they would have got it if this first voyage had not been 
made, for the ground was soon all covered with snow and 
frozen hard. But the Lord is never wanting unto His 
in their great need; let His holy name have all the praise. 

The month of November being spent in these affairs, 
and foul weather coming on, on the sixth of December 
they sent out their shallop again with ten of their principal 
men and some sailors upon further discovery, intending to 
circumnavigate the deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather 
was very cold, and it froze so hard that the spray of the 
sea froze on their coats like glass. Early that night they 
got to the lower end of the bay, and as they drew near the 
shore they saw ten or twelve Indians very busy about some- 
thing. They landed about a league or two from them; 
though they had much ado to put ashore anywhere, it was 
so full of flats. It was late when they landed, so they 



70 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

made themselves a barricade of logs and boughs as well 
as they could in the time, and set a sentinel and betook 
them to rest, and saw the smoke of the fire the savages 
made that night. When morning came they divided their 
party, somt to coast along the shore in the boat, and the 
rest to march through the woods to see the land, and, if 
possible, to find a fit place for their settlement. They came 
to the place where they had seen the Indians the night 
before and found they had been cutting up a great fish 
like a grampus, covered with almost two inches of fat, like 
a hog. The shallop found two more of the same kind of 
fish dead on the sands, a usual thing after storms there, 
because of the great flats of sand. They ranged up and 
down all that day, but found no people nor any place they 
liked. When the sun got low they hastened out of the 
woods to meet their shallop, making signs to it to come 
into a creek hard by, which it did at high water. They 
were very glad to meet, for they had not seen each other 
since the morning. They made a barricade, as they did 
every night, with logs, stakes, and thick pine boughs, the 
height of a man, leaving it open to leeward; partly to 
shelter them from the cold wind, making their fire in the 
middle and lying around it ; and, partly to defend them from 
any sudden assaults of the savages, if they should try 
to surround them. So being very weary, they betook them 
to rest. But about midnight they heard a hideous cry, 
and their sentinel called "Arm, arm!" So they bestirred 
themselves and stood to their arms, and shot a couple of 
muskets and then the noise ceased. They concluded it 
was a pack of wolves, or some such wild beasts ; for one 
of the sailors told them he had often heard such noises in 
Newfoundland. So they rested till about five o'clock in 
the morning. After prayer they prepared for breakfast, 
and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be carrying 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 71 

things down to the boat. Some said it was not best 
to carry the guns down ; others said they would be the 
readier, for they had wrapped them up in their coats to 
keep them from the dew. But some three or four would not 
carry their guns down to the boat till they went themselves. 
However, as the water was not high enough, the others 
laid theirs down on the bank of the creek, and came up to 
breakfast. But soon, all of a sudden, they heard a great 
and strange cry, which they knew to be the same as they 
had heard in the night, though with various notes. One 
of the company who was outside came running in and 
cried: "Men; Indians, Lidians" ; and at that their arrows 
came flying amongst them ! The men ran down to the 
creek wath all speed to recover their guns, which by the 
providence of God they succeeded in doing. In the mean- 
time two of those who were still armed discharged their 
muskets at the Indians ; and two more stood ready at the 
entrance of the rendezvous, but were commanded not to 
shoot till they could take fell aim at them; and the other 
two loaded again at full speed, there being only four g^ms 
there to defend the barricade when it was first assaulted. 

The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when 
they saw the men run out of the rendezvous towards the 
shallop to recover their guns, the Indians wheeling about 
them. But some of the men, armed with coats of mail and 
with cutlasses in their hands, soon got their guns and let fly 
among them, which quickly stopped their violence. There 
was one big Indian, and no less valiant, who stood behind 
a tree, within half a musket-shot, and let his arrows fly at 
them. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all 
avoided. He stood three musket-shots, till one of them 
made the bark and splinters of the tree fly about his ears, 
at which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and away all 
of them went. The men left some of the party to guard 



72 BRADFORD'S^ HISTORY OF 

the shallop, and followed the Indians about a quarter of a 
mile, shouting once or twice, and shooting off two or three 
guns, and tlien returned. They did this so that the natives 
might not think they were afraid of them. 

Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and give 
them deliverance ; and by His special providence so to dis- 
pose that not one of them was hit, though the arrows came 
close to them, on every side, and some of their coats 
which were hung up in the barricade were shot through and 
through, Aftervv^ards they gave God solemn thanks and 
praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of 
the arrows, and later sent them to England by the captain 
of the ship. They called the place "The First Encounter." 

Then they left, and coasted all along, but discovered no 
likely place for a harbour. So they made all speed to a 
spot which their pilot — a Mr. Coppin, who had been in 
the country before — assured them was a good harbour, 
which he had been in, and which they might fetch before 
night. Of this they were glad, for the weather began to be 
foul. After some hours' sailing, it began to snow and rain, 
and about the middle of the afternoon the wind increased, 
and the sea became very rough. They broke their rudder, 
and it was as much as two men could do to steer her with 
a couple of oars. But the pilot bade them be of good cheer, 
and said he saw the harbour; but the storm increasing and 
night drawing on, they carried all the sail they could to 
get in while they could see. Then their mast broke in 
three pieces, and the sail fell overboard in a very heavy sea, 
so that they were in danger of being wrecked ; but by 
God's mercy they recovered themselves, and having the 
tide with them, struck in towards the harbour. But when 
they came to, the pilot found he had mistaken the place, and 
said the Lord be merciful to them, for he had never seen the 
place before ; and he and the mate were about to run her 



THE PLYSIOUTII SETTLEIMENT 73 

ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before the wind. But 
one of tlie seamen, who steered, bade the rowers, if they 
were men, about with her, or they would all be cast away; 
which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheer 
and row lustily for there was a fair sound before them, 
and he did not doubt but they would find a place where 
they could come to safely. Though it was very dark and 
rained hard, they ultimately got under the lee of a small 
island, and remained there safely all night; but they did 
not know it was an island till morning. They were divided 
in their mind ; some wished to stay in the boat, for fear 
there would be more Indians; others were so w^eak and 
cold they could not endure it, but got ashore and with much 
ado made a fire — everything being wet, — and then the rest 
were glad enough to join them; for after midnight the 
wind shifted to the north-west and it froze hard. 

But though this had been a night of much hardship and 
danger, God gave them a morning of comfort and refresh- 
ment, as He usually doth to His children; for the next day 
was a fair sun-shining da)^, and they found they were on an 
island secure from the Indians, where they could dry their 
stuff, fix their arms, and rest themselves and give God 
thanks for His mercies in their manifold deliverances. This 
being the last day of the week they prepared to keep the 
Sabbath there. On Monday they sounded the harbour 
and found it fit for shipping; and marching inland they 
found several cornfields and little running brooks, — a place, 
as they supposed, fit for a settlement, at least it was the 
best they could find, and considering the season of the 
year and their present necessity they were thankful for it. 
So they returned with this news to the rest of their people 
aboard the ship, which cheered them greatly. 

On the 15th day of December they weighed anchor to 
go to the place they had discovered, and came w^ithin two 



74 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

leagues of it, but had to bear up ajjain. On the i6th day 
the wind came fair, and they arrived safe in the harbour. 
Afterwards they took a better view of the place, and re- 
solved where to pitch their dwellings ; and on the 25th day 
they began to erect the first house for common use, to 
receive them and their goods. 



BOOK II 
1620-1646 

iiiaTORY OF THE SETTLEMENT AT NEW PLYMOUTH 

CHAPTER I 

Deed of Government drawn up — ^Death of half their number 
— Squanto—Compact with the Indians — Captain Dermer's de- 
scription of New Plymouth: 1620. 

The rest of this work — if God give me life and opportun- 
ity — I shall, for brevity's sake, handle in the form of An- 
nals, noting only the principal doings, chronologically. 

First, I will turn back a little, and begin with a compact 
or deed drawn up by them before they went ashore to 
settle, constituting the first foundation of their government. 
This was occasioned partly by the discontented and 
mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them 
had let fall : that when they got ashore they would use their 
liberty that none had power to command them, the patent 
procured being for Virginia, and not for New England, 
which belonged to another company, with which the Vir- 
ginia company had nothing to do. And, further, it was 
believed by the leading men among the settlers that such a 
deed, drawn up by themselves, considering their present 
condition, would be as effective as any patent, and in some 
respects more so. 

The form of the deed was as follows : 

In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, 
the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the 

75 



76 BRADFOBD'S HISTORY OP 

grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender 
of the Faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory of God, and 
advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and 
country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of 
Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in the presence 
of God, and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves into a 
civil body poHtic, for our better ordering and preservation, and the 
furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by virtue hereof to enact, 
constitute, and frame, such just and equal' lav^'s, ordinances, acts, 
constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought 
most meet and convenient for the general use of the Colony, unto 
which we promise all due submission and obedience. In Avitness 
whereof we have here underscribed our names at Cape Cod, nth 
of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord, King 
James of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of 
Scotland the fifty-fourth. 
A. D. 1620. 

They then chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver, 
a godly man and highly approved among them, as their 
governor for that year. After they had provided a place for 
their goods and common stores, which they were long in 
unlading owing to want of boats, the severity of the winter 
weather, and sickness, had begun some small cottages for 
dwellings, — as time would admit they m>et and consulted of 
law and order, both for civil and military government, as 
seemed suited to their conditions, adding to them from 
time to time as urgent need demanded. In these arduotis 
and difficult beginnings, discontent and murmuring arose 
amongst some, and mutinous speech and bearing in others ; 
but they were soon quelled and overcome by the v^'isdom, 
patience, and just and equal administration of things by the 
Governor and the better part, who held faithfully together 
in the main. 

But soon a most lamentable blow fell upon them. In two 
or three months' time half of their company died, partly 
owing to the severity of the winter, especially during Jan- 
uary and February, and the want of houses and other com- 



THE PLYIMOUTH SETTLEMENT 77 

forts ; partly to scurvy and other diseases, which their long 
voyage and their incommodious quarters had brought upon 
them. Of all the hundred odd persons, scarcely fifty re- 
mained, and sometimes two or three persons died in a day. 
In the time of worst distress, there were but six or seven 
sound persons, who, to their great commendation be it 
spoken, spared no pains night or day, but with great toil 
and at the risk of their own health, fetched wood, made 
fires, prepared food for the sick, made their beds, washed 
their infected clothes, dressed and undressed them ; in a 
word did all the homely and necessary services for them 
which dainty and queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear 
mentioned; and all this they did willingly and cheerfully, 
without the least grudging, showing their love to the friends 
and brethren ; a rare example, and worthy to be remem- 
bered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, 
their reverend elder, and Myles Standish, their captain and 
military commander, to whom myself and many others were 
much beholden in our low and sick condition. And yet the 
Lord so upheld these men, that in this general calamity they 
were not at all infected with sickness. And what I have 
said of these few, I should say of many others who died in 
this general visitation, and others yet living, that while they 
had health or strength, they forsook none that had need of 
them. I doubt not that their recompense is with the Lord. 
But I must not pass by another remarkable and unfor- 
gettable occurrence. When this calamity fell among the 
passengers who were to be left here to settle, they were 
hurried ashore and made to drink water, so that the sailors 
might have the more beer and when one sufferer in his 
sickness desired but a small can of beer, it was answered 
that if h^ were their own father he should have none. 
Then the disease began to seize the sailors also, so that 
almost half of the crew died before they went away, and 



78 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

many of their officers and strongest men, amongst them the 
boatswain, gunner, three quarter-masters, the cook and 
others. At this the captain was somewhat struck, and sent 
to the sick ashore and told the Governor that he could send 
for beer for those that had need of it, even should he have 
to drink water on the homeward voyage. 

But amongst the sailors there was quite a different bear- 
ing in their misery. Those who before, in the time of their 
health and welfare, had been boon companions in drinking 
and jollity, began now to desert one another, saying they 
would not risk their lives for the sick among them, lest 
they should be infected by coming to help them in their 
cabins ; if they died, let them die ! But the passengers who 
were still aboard showed them what pity they could, which 
made some of their hearts relent, such as the boatswain, 
who was an overbearing young man, and before would often 
curse and scoff at the passengers. But when he grew weak 
they had compassion on him and helped him. Then he 
confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, for he had 
abused them in word and deed. "Oh," said he, "you I 
see now, show your love like Christians indeed to one an- 
otlier; but we let one another lie and die like dogs." 
Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had not been for 
her he had never come on this unlucky voyage ; and anon 
cursed his fellows, saying he had done this or that for some 
of them, he had spent so much and so much amongst them, 
and they were now weary of him, and did not help him in 
his need. Another made over to one of his mates all he 
had, when he should die, if he would but help him in his 
weakness. So his companion went and got a little spice 
and prepared some food once or twice ; and when he did 
not die as soon as he expected, he went among his comrades 
and swore the rogue would cheat him of his inheritance; 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 79 

he would see him choke before he prepared him any more 
food; and so the poor fellow died before morning! 

All this while the Indians came skulking about those who 
were ashore and would sometimes show themselves aloof, 
at a distance, but when any approached them, they would 
run away. Once they stole away the men's tools where 
they had been at work, and were gone to dinner. About 
the i6th of March a certain Indian came boldly among 
them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they 
could well understand, but were astonished at it. At 
length they understood by speaking with him that he was 
not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern country where 
some English ships came to fish; and with some of these 
English he was acquainted, and could name several of them. 
From them he had got his knowledge of the language. He 
became useful to them in acquainting them with many things 
concerning the state of the country in the east parts where 
he lived, as also of the people there, their names and num- 
ber, their situation and distance from this place, and who 
was chief among them. His name was Samoset; he told 
them also of another Indian, whose name was Squanto, a 
native of this part, who had been in England and could 
speak English better than himself. After some time of en- 
tertainment, being dismissed with gifts, in a little while he 
returned with five more, and they brought back all the tools 
that had been stolen, and made way for the coming of their 
great Sachem, called Massasoyt, who about four or five 
days after, came with the chief of his friends and other 
attendants, and with Squanto. With him, after friendly en- 
tertainment and some gifts, they made a peace which has 
now continued for twenty-four years. 

These were the terms : 

I. That neither he nor anj' of his, should injure or harm any of 
their people. 



80 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

2. That if any of his did any harm to any of theirs, he should 
send the offender, that they might punish him. 

3. That if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he 
should cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his. 

4. If any made unjust war against liim, they would aid him; if 
any made war against them, he should aid them. 

5. He should send to his neighboring confederates, to certify 
them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise 
comprised in the conditions of peace. 

6. That when their men came to them, they should leave their 
bows and arrows behind them. 

After this he returned to his place, called Sowams, some 
forty miles off, but Squanto stayed with them, and was 
their interpreter, and became a special instrument sent of 
God for their good, beyond their expectation. He showed 
them how to plant their corn, where to take fish and other 
commodities, and guided them to unknown places, and 
never left them till he died. He was a native of these parts, 
and had been one of the few survivors of the plague here- 
abouts. He was carried away with others by one Hunt, a 
captain of a ship, who intended to sell them for slaves in 
Spain ; but he got away for England, and was received by a 
merchant in London, and employed in Newfoundland and 
other parts, and lastly brought into these parts by a Captain 
Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinand Gorges 
and others, for discovery and other projects in these parts. 
Of Captain Dermer I will say something, because it is men- 
tioned, — in a book published A. D. 1622, by the President 
and Council of New England, — that he made peace between 
the savages of these parts and the English, of which this 
plantation, as it is there intimated, had the benefit. But 
what kind of peace it was appears by what befell him and 
his men. 

Captain Dermer had been here the same year that the 
people of the Mayflower arrived, as appears in an account 
written by him, and given to me by a friend, bearing date. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 81 

June 30th, 1620; and as they came in the November fol- 
lowing, there was but four months' difference. In this 
account to his honoured friend, he makes the following 
references to this very place : 

"I will first begin," saj's he, "with the place from which Squanto 
(or Tisqiiantem) was taken away, which in Captain Smith's map is 
called 'Plymouth' ; and I would that Plyinouth had the same com- 
modities. I could wish that the first plantation might he situated 
here, if there came to the number of fifty persons or upward; other- 
wise at Charlton, because there the savages are less to be feared. 
The Pokanokets, who live to the west of Plj'mouth, bear an in- 
veterate hatred to the English, and are of greater strength than all 
the savages from there to Penobscot. Their desire of revenge was 
occasioned by an Englishman, who having invited many of them on 
board slaughtered them with small shot, when, as the Indians say, 
they offered no injury on their part. Whether they were English 
or no, it may be doubted ; but they believe they were, for the French 
have so assured them. For this reason Squanto cannot deny but 
they would have killed me when I was at Namasket, had he not 
interceded hard for me. The soil of the borders of this great bay 
may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seen in 
Virginia. The land is of various sorts. Patuxet is a stubborn but 
strong soil; Nauset and Satucket are for the most part a blackish 
and deep mould, much like that where the best tobacco in Virginia 
grows. In the great bay itself is a quantity of cod and bass, or 
mullet." 

But above all, he commends the Pokanokets' country for 
the richest soil, and much open ground fit for English grain, 
etc. 

"]\Iassachusetts, about nine leagues from Plymouth, and 
situated between both, is full of islands and peninsulas, for 
the most part very fertile." 

He was taken prisoner by the Indians at Manamoick, 
a place not far off, now well-known. He gave them what 
they demanded for his liberty, but when they had got what 
they desired, they still kept him, and endeavoured to kill 
his men; but he freed himself by seizing some of them, 
whom he kept bound till they gave him a canoe-load of 



82 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

com (of which, see Ptirch: Hb. ix, fol. 1778). But this 
was A. D. 1619. 

After the writing of the foregoing narrative, Dermer 
went with Squanto to the Island of Capawack, which Hes 
south of this place on the way to Virginia. There he went 
ashore amongst the Indians to trade, as he used to do, but 
was betrayed and assaulted by them, and all his men were 
killed except one who kept the boat. He himself got aboard 
very sorely wounded, and they would have cut off his head 
as he climbed into his boat, had not the man rescued him. 
They got away, and made shift to reach Virginia, where he 
died. This shows how far the natives were from peace, 
and under what dangerous conditions this plantation was 
begun, but for the powerful hand of the Lord, which pro- 
tected them. This was partly the reason why they kept 
aloof, and were so long before they came to the English. 
Another reason, as afterwards they themselves stated, was 
that about three years before, a French ship was wrecked 
at Cape Cod, but the men got ashore and saved their lives 
and a large part of their provisions. When the Indians 
heard of it, they surrounded them and never left watching 
and dogging them till they got the advantage and killed 
them, all but three or four, whom they kept, and sent from 
one Sachem to another, making sport with them and using 
them worse than slaves. Of these. Captain Dermer released 
two. So the Indians thought that this ship had now come 
to revenge these outrages. It was also later disclosed, that 
before they came to the English to make friends, they got 
all the Powows of the country together for three days to 
curse and execrate them in a horrid and devilish manner 
with conjurations, holding their assembly in a dark and 
dismal swamp. 

But to return. The spring now approaching, it pleased 
God the mortality began to cease among them, and the sick 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 83 

f ecovered apace, which put new life into them all ; though 
they had borne their sad afflictions with as much patience 
and contentedness as I think any people could do. But it 
was the Lord who upheld them, and had beforehand pre- 
pared them, many having long borne the yoke, yea, even 
from their youth. Many other minor matters I will omit, 
several of them having been published already in a journal 
written by one of the company; and some other narratives 
and descriptions of journeys, already published, to which 
I refer those who wish to acquaint themselves more closely. 
Having now come to the 25th of March, I will begin the 
year 1621. 



CHAPTER n 

The Mayflower returns — Death of John Carver — William 
Bradford, Governor — Trade with the Massachusetts — The first 
marriage — Friendship with IMassasoyt confirmed — Hobbamok 
— Expedition against Corbitant — The first harvest^ — Arrival of 
Robert Cushman with 35 settlers — Fortune returns, laden- — 
The Narragansetts' challenge — Christmas Day: 1621. 

They now decided to send back the ship which had brought 
them over, and which had remained till about this time or 
the beginning of April. The reason, on their part, why she 
had stayed so long, was the necessity and danger they were 
under. It was well towards the end of December before she 
could land anything, or they were in a condition to receive 
anything ashore. And after that on the 14th of January, the 
house they had built for a general rendezvous accidentally 
caught fire, and some of them had to go aboard the ship for 
shelter. Then the sickness began to fall among them sorely, 
and the weather was so bad that they could not hasten their 
preparations. Again the Governor and the chief members, 
seeing so many fall sick and die daily, thought it unwise to 
send the ship away, considering their condition and the dan- 
ger they were in from the Indians, till they could procure 
some shelter; and therefore thought it better to incur fur- 
ther expense for themselves and their friends, than to risk 
everything. And though before, the captain and sailors had 
hurried the passengers ashore, so that they could be gone ; 
now many of the crew being dead, — and some of the ablest 
of them, — and of the rest many lay sick and weak, the cap- 
tain did not dare put to sea till he saw them begin to recover, 
and the heart of winter over. 

The settlers, as many as were able, then began to plant 

8^ 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 85 

their corn, in which service Squanto stood them in good 
stead, showing them how to plant it and cultivate it. He 
also told them that unless they got fish to manure this ex- 
hausted old soil, it would come to nothing, and he showed 
them that in the middle of April plenty of fish would come 
up the brook by which they had begun to build, and taught 
them how to catch it, and where to get other necessary pro- 
visions ; all of which they found true by experience. They 
sowed some English seed, such as wheat and pease, but 
it came to no good, either because of the badness of the seed 
or the lateness of the season or some other defect. 

This April, while they were busy sowing their seed, their 
Governor, Mr. John Carver, one hot day, came out of the 
field very sick. He complained greatly of his head and lay 
down, and within a few hours his senses failed. He never 
spoke again, and died, a few days after. His death was 
much lamented, and depressed them deeply, with good 
cause. He was buried in the best manner possible, with 
some volleys of shot by all that bore arms ; and his wife, a 
weak woman, died five or six weeks after him. 

Shortly after, William Bradford was chosen governor in 
his stead, and having not yet recovered from his illness, in 
which he had been near the point of death, Isaac Allerton, 
was appointed assistant to him. These two, by renewed 
election each year, continued several years together. This 
I here note, once for all. 

On May 12th the first marriage here took place, which, 
according to the laudable custom of the Low Countries* 

*"This decree, or law, about marriage, was published by the States 
of the Low Countries, A. D. 1590: That those of any religion, after 
lawful and open publication, coming before the magistrates, in the 
Town or State-House, were to be orderly by them married, one to 
another," (Petet's Hist., fol. 1029). And this practise was continued 
by the Colony, and has been followed by all the famous churches of 
Christ in these parts to this time,— A. D. 1646. 



86 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

in which they had hved, it was thought proper for the 
magistrate to perform, as a civil institution upon which 
many questions about inheritances depend, and other things 
requiring their cognizance, as well as being consonant with 
the scriptures (Ruth iv), and nowhere mentioned in the 
gospels as a part of the minister's duty. 

Having now made some progress with their affairs at 
home, it was thought advisable to send a deputation to 
their new friend Massasoyt, and to bestow upon him some 
gratuity to bind him faster to them; also at the same time 
to view the country, and see in what manner he lived, what 
strength he had about him, and what was the way to his 
place, if at any time they should have need. So on July 
2nd they sent Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Hopkins, with 
the aforesaid Squanto for their guide. They gave Massasoyt 
a suit of clothes, and a horseman's coat, with some other 
small things, which were kindly accepted, though they 
found but short commons, and came home both weary and 
hungry. The Indians in tliose times did not have nearly so 
much corn as they have had since the English supplied them 
with hoes, and set them an example by their industry in 
preparing new ground therewith. Massasoyt's place was 
found to be forty miles off and the soil good. But his 
people had died in great numbers during the recent plague 
throughout these parts, about three years before the coming 
of the English. Thousands of them died, until the living 
were not able to bury the dead, and their skulls and bones 
were found in many places lying still above ground, where 
their houses and dwelling places had been, — a very sad 
spectacle. But they brought word that the Narragansetts 
lived just on the other side of the great bay, and were a 
strong, populous tribe living close together, and had not 
been attacked by this wasting plague. 

About the latter end of this month one John Billington 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 87 

lost himself in the woods, and wandered up and down for 
about five days, living on berries and what he could find. 
At length he came across an Indian plantation, twenty miles 
to the south, called Manamet. They conveyed him further 
ofif to Nauset, among the Indians who had set upon the 
landing party when they were coasting and whilst their 
ship lay at the Cape, as before noted. But the Governor 
caused him to be enquired for among the Indians, and at 
length Massasoyt sent word where he was, and the Gover- 
nor sent a shallop for him, and had him delivered. The 
Indians there also came and made their peace and full 
satisfaction was given by the settlers to those whose corn 
they had found and taken when they were at Cape Cod. 

Thus their peace and acquaintance was pretty well es- 
tablished with the natives about them. Another Indian, 
called Hobbamok came to live with them, a fine strong man, 
of some account amongst the Indians for his valour and 
qualities. He remained very faithful to the English till he 
died. He and Squanto having gone upon business among 
the Indians, a Sachem called Corbitant, aUied to Massasoyt, 
but never a good friend to the English to this day, met with 
them at an Indian town called Namassakett, fourteen miles 
west of this, and whether out of envy of them or 
malice to the English began to quarrel with them, and 
threatened to stab Hobbamok; but he, being a strong man, 
cleared himself of him, and came running away, all sweat- 
ing, and told the Governor what had befallen him, and that 
he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them 
both, for no other reason than that they were friends to the 
English and serviceable to them. The Governor taking 
counsel, it was decided not to pass it over, for if they 
allowed their friends and messengers to be harmed, none 
would associate with them or give them intelligence or do 
them service afterwards; and next thing the Indians would 



88 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

fall upon them, too. So It was resolved to send the Captain 
and fourteen men, well armed, and to go and fall upon them 
in the night; and if they found that Squanto was killed, to 
cut off Corbitant's head, but not to hurt any but those who 
had a hand in it. Hobbamok was asked if he would go and 
be their guide, and bring them there before day. He said he 
would, and could show them the house where Corbitant 
lived, and which he was. They set forth on the 14th of 
August, and surrounded the house ; and the Captain, giving 
orders to let none escape, entered to search for him. But 
he had gone away that day; so they missed him, but learned 
that Squanto was alive, and that Corbitant had only threat- 
ened to kill him, and made as if to stab him, but did not. 
So they withheld their punishment, and did no more harm; 
and the people came trembling and brought them the best 
provisions they had, when they had been acquainted by 
Hobbamok with their purpose. Three Indians, badly 
wounded, broke out of the house, and tried to pass through 
the guard. These they brought back with them, and had 
their wounds dressed and cured, and then sent them home. 
After this they had many greetings from various Sachems 
and much firmer peace. Even the Indians of the Island of 
Capawack sent to declare friendship ; and Corbitant himself 
used the mediation of Massasoyt to make his peace, but was 
shy to come near them for a long time after. 

After this, on the i8th September, they sent out their 
shallop with ten men and Squanto as guide and interpreter 
to the Massachusetts, to explore the bay and trade with the 
natives, which they accomplished, and were kindly received. 
The Indians were much afraid of the Tarantines, a tribe to 
the eastward, who used to come at harvest time and take 
away their corn, and often kill some of them. They re- 
turned in safety, and brought home a good quantity of 
beaver, and reported on the place, wishing they could havQ 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIMENT 89 

settled there. But it seems that the Lord, Who assigns to 
all men the bounds of their habitations, had appointed it 
for another use. And thus they found the Lord to be with 
them in all their ways, and to bless their outgoings and 
incomings, for which let His holy name have the praise 
forever, to all posterity. 

They began now to gather in the small harvest they had, 
and to prepare their houses for the winter, being well re- 
covered in health and strength, and plentifully provisioned; 
for while some had been thus employed in affairs away from 
home, others were occupied in fishing for cod, bass, and 
other fish, of which they caught a good quantity, every 
family having their portion. All the summer there was 
no want. And now, as winter approached, wild fowl began 
to arrive, of which there were plenty when they came here 
first, though afterwards they became more scarce. As well 
as wild fowl, they got abundance of wild turkeys, besides 
venison, etc. Each person had about a peck of meal a week, 
or now, since harvest, Indian corn in that proportion ; and 
afterwards many wrote at length about their plenty to their 
friends in England, — not feigned but true reports. 

In November, about 12 months after their arrival, there 
came a small ship unexpectedly, bringing Mr. Cushman 
(so much spoken of before), and with him 35 persons to 
remain and live in the plantation; at which they rejoiced 
not a little. And the new arrivals, when they came ashore 
and found all well, and saw plenty of victuals in every 
house, were no less glad. Most of them were healthy young 
men, many of them wild enough, who had little considered 
what they were undertaking, — till they reached the harbour 
of Cape Cod, and there saw nothing but a naked and barren 
place. They then began to wonder what would become of 
them, should the people be dead or cut off by the Indians. 
So, hearing what some of the sailors were saying, they 



90 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

began to plot to seize the sails, lest the ship should go, and 
leave them there. But the captain, hearing of it gave them 
good words, and told them that if any misfortune should 
have befallen the people here, he thought he had food 
enough to take them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bit, 
they should have their share, which satisfied them. So they 
were all landed; but they brought not so much as biscuit- 
cake, or any other victuals with them, nor any bedding, 
except some poor things they had in their cabins ; nor pot 
nor pan to cook any food in ; nor many clothes, for many of 
them had sold their coats and cloaks at Plymouth on their 
way out. But some burching-lane suits were sent over in 
the ship, out of which they were supplied. The plantation 
was glad of this addition of strength, but could have wished 
that many of them had been of better class, and all of them 
better furnished with provisions ; but that could not now be 
helped. 

In this ship Mr. Weston sent a long letter to Mr. Carver, 
the late Governor, now deceased, full of complaints and 
expostulations about the former troubles at Southampton, 
and keeping the ship so long in the country, and returning 
her without lading, etc., — most of which for brevity I 
omit. The rest is as follows. 

Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at Netv Plymouth: 

I never dared acquaint the adventurers with the alterations in the 
conditions first agreed on between us, which I have since been very 
glad of, for I am well assured that had they known as much as I 
do, they would not have ventured a halfpenny of what was neces- 
sary for this ship. That you sent no lading back with the ship is 
strange, and very properly resented. I know your weakness was 
the cause of it; and I believe more weakness of judgment than 
weakness of hands. A quarter of the time you spent in discoursing, 
arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; but that is 
past. ... If you mean, bona fide, to perform the conditions agreed 
upon, do us the favour to copy them out fair, and subscribe them 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 91 

with the names of your principal members and likewise give us 
account, as particularly as you can, how our money was laid out. 
Then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, while I am 
now forced to put them off with good words. And consider that the 
life of this business depends on the lading of this ship. If you do 
so satisfactoril}', so that I may recoup the great sums I disbursed 
for the former voyage, and must do for this one, I promise you I 
will never forsake this enterprise, though all the other adventurers 
should do so. 

We have procured you a charter, the best we could, which is 
better that] the former, and with less limitations. As for anything 
else that is worth writing, Mr. Cushman can inform you. I pray 
write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so, praying 
God to bless you with all graces necessary both for this life and 
that to come, I rest, 

Your very loving friend, 

THOS. WESTON. 
London, July tth, 1621. 

This ship, called the Fortune, was speedily despatched, 
laden with good clapboard, as full as she could stow, and 
two hogsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they had 
traded in exchange for a few trifling commodities brought 
with them at first, being otherwise altogether unprovided 
for trading; nor was there a man among them who had 
ever seen a beaver skin till they came out, and were in- 
structed by Squanto. The freight was estimated to be 
worth nearly £500. Mr. Cushman returned with the ship, as 
Mr. Weston and the rest had commissioned him, for their 
better information. And neither he nor the settlers doubted 
that they would receive speedy supplies, considering that, 
owing to Mr. Cushman's persuasion, and to letters which 
they received from the congregation at Leyden, urging them 
to do so, they agreed to the aforesaid conditions, and signed 
them. But it proved otherwise, for Mr. Weston, who had 
made that large promise in his letter, that if all the rest 
should drop out, he would never quit the business, but would 
Stick to them if they signed the conditions and sent some 



92 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

lading on the ship, — and of this Mr. Ciishman was equally 
confident, confirming it by Mr. Weston's own words and 
serious protestations to himself before he left, — all this, I 
say, proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that 
forsook them, and that before he had so much as heard of 
the return of the ship, or knew what had been done. So 
vain is confidence in man! But of this, more in its place. 
A letter in answer to that written by Mr. Weston to Mr. 
Carver was sent from the Governor, of which so much as 
is pertinent to the thing in hand I will insert here : 

Governor Bradford at New Plymoxith to Mr. Weston in England:. 

Sir, 

Your long letter written to Mr. Carver, and dated July 6th, 1621, 
I received on November loth, -wherein, after the apology made for 
yourself, you lay many Imputations upon him and us all. Touching 
him, he is now departed this life, and Is at rest In the Lord from all 
these troubles and incumbrances with which we yet strive. He 
needs not my apology; for his care and pains were so great for the 
common good, both ours and yours, thaf, as it is thought, he 
thereby oppressed himself and shortened his days ; of whose loss we 
cannot sufficiently complain. At great expense In this adventure I 
confess you have been, and many losses may sustain ; but the loss 
of his and many other Industrious men's lives cannot be valued at 
any price. Of the one there may be hope of recovery, but the other 
no recompense can make good. However, I will not confine myself 
to general statements, but will deal with your particular charges. 

You greatly blame us for keeping the slnp so long in the country, 
and then sending her away empty. She lay five weeks at Cape Cod, 
whilst with many a weary step, after a long journey and the en- 
durance of many a hard brunt we sought out In tlie depth of winter 
a place of habitation. Then we set about, as well as we could, to 
provide shelter for ourselves and our goods upon which task many 
of our arms and legs can tell us to this day that we were not negli-" 
gent ! But It pleased God to visit us then with death daily, and 
with a disease so disastrous that the living were scarcely able to 
bury the dead, and the healthy not In any measure to tend the sick. 
And now to be so greatly blamed for not freighting the ship touches 
US near and discourages us much. But you say you know we shall 
plead weakness ; and do you think we had not cause ? Yes, you teU 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 93 

us you believe it — but that it was more weakness of judgment than 
of hands ! Our weakness herein is great, we confess ; therefore we 
will bear this rebuke patiently, with the rest, till God send us wiser 
men. But those who told you we spent so much time in discoursing 
and consulting, etc., their hearts can tell their tongues they lie. 
They care not, so that they salve their own sores, how they wound 
others. Indeed it is our calamity that we are, beyond expectation, 
yoked with some ill-disposed people, who, while they do no good 
themselves, corrupt and abuse others. 

The rest of the letter stated that they had subscribed to 
the conditions according to his desire, and sent him the 
previous accounts very exactly; also how the ship w^as 
laden, and in what condition their affairs stood; that the 
arrival of the new people would bring famine upon them un- 
avoidably, if they did not receive supplies, in time, — as Mr. 
Cushman could more fully inform him and the rest of the 
adventurers. Also that, seeing he was not satisfied in all 
his demands, he hoped offences would be forgotten, and 
he would remember his promise, etc. 

After the departure of this ship, which did not stay above 
fourteen days, the Governor and his assistant having dis- 
posed the new arrivals among several families as best they 
could, took an exact account of all their provisions in store, 
and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and 
found that it would not hold out above six months at half 
allowance, and hardly that. They could not well give less 
this winter, till fish came in again. So they were presently 
put on half allowance, one as well as another. It became 
irksome, but they bore it patiently, hoping to receive fresh 
supplies. 

Soon after this ship's departure, the great Narragansett 
tribe, in a braving manner, sent a messenger to them with 
a bundle of arrows tied about with a great snake skin, which 
their interpreters told them was a threatening challenge. 
Upon which the Governor, with the advice of the others, 



94 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

sent them a round answer, that if they would rather have 
war than peace, they might begin when they would; they 
had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor 
would they find them unprepared. They sent the snake 
skin back by another messenger with bullets in it ; but they 
would not receive it, and returned it again. These things 
I need merely mention, because they are fully dealt with in 
print by Mr. Winslow, at the request of some friends. The 
reason was probably their own ambition, thinking, since 
the death of so many of the Indians, to domineer and lord 
it over the rest, and that the English would be a bar in 
their way, Massasoyt having taken shelter already under 
their wings. 

But this made the settlers more careful to look to them- 
selves. They agreed to enclose their dwellings in a good 
strong stockade and make flankers in convenient places, 
with gates to shut. These they locked every night, and a 
watch was kept, and when need required there were also 
outposts in the day-time. The colonists, at the Captain's 
and Governor's advice, were divided into four squadrons, 
and every one had his quarter appointed, to which to repair 
at any sudden alarm; and in case of fire, a company with 
muskets was appointed as a guard, to prevent Indian 
treachery, whilst the others quenched it. This was accom- 
plished very cheerfully, and the town was enclosed by the 
beginning of March, every family having a pretty garden 
plot. 

Herewith I shall end this year — except to recall one more 
incident, rather amusing than serious. On Christmas Day, 
the Governor called the people out to work as usual ; but 
most of the new company excused themselves, and said it 
went against their consciences to work on that day. So 
the Governor told them, if they made it a matter of con- 
science, he would spare them till they were better informed. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 95 

So he went with the rest, and left them; but on returning 
from work at noon he found them at play In the street, 
some pitching the bar, some at stool-ball, and such like 
sports. So he went to them and took away their games, and 
told them that it was against his conscience that they should 
play and others work. If they made the keeping of the day 
a matter of devotion, let them remain in their houses ; but 
there should be no gaming and revelling in the streets. 
Since then, nothing has been attempted in that way, at least 
openly. 



CHAPTER in 

Weston abandons the Settlement — Dissensions among the 
Adventurers in England — Weston's plan for a Colony, and 
arrival of Sixty Settlers for it — News from Captain Huddleston 
of massacre in Virginia — Fort built at New Plymouth — ^Death 
of Squanto— Weston's Colony in diflculties: 1622. 

They had arranged with the Massachusetts to go again 
and trade with them in the spring, and began to prepare for 
the voyage about the latter end of March. But Hobbamok, 
their Indian, told them that, from some rumours he had 
heard, he feared they had joined the Narragansetts and 
might betray them if they were not careful. He also in- 
timated some suspicion of Squanto, from what he had ob- 
served of some private whisperings between him and other 
Indians. But they resolved to proceed, and sent out their 
shallop with ten of their chief men about the beginning of 
April, both Squanto and Hobbamok with them, considering 
the jealousy between them. But they had not been gone 
long from the settlement, before an Indian belonging to 
Squanto's family came running in, apparently in great fear, 
and told them that many of the Narragansetts with Corbi- 
tant, and he thought also Massasoyt, were coming to attack 
them; and he got away to tell them, not without danger. 
And being examined by the Governor, he made as if the 
enemy were at hand, and kept looking back as if they were 
at his heels. At which the Governor ordered the settlers to 
take arms and stand on their guard ; and believing the boat 
would be still within hearing, since it was calm, he caused a 
warning piece or two to be shot off, which they heard and 
returned. But no Indians appeared, and though watch was 
kept all night, nothing was seen. Hobbamok was confident 

96 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 97 

of Massasoyt's good faith and thought It was all false. But 
the Governor had him send his wife privately to see what 
she could observe, on pretence of other purposes, but noth- 
ing was found and all was quiet. So they proceeded on 
their voyage to the Massachusetts and had good trade, and 
returned in safety blessed be God! 

But by what had passed they began to see that Squanto 
sought his own ends and played his own game, by fright- 
ening the Indians and getting gifts from them for himself, 
making them believe he could stir up war against them if 
he would, and make peace for whom he would. He even 
made them believe the English kept the plague buried in 
the ground, and could send it among them whenever they 
wished, which terrified the Indians and made them more 
dependent on him than on Massasoyt. This made him 
envied, and was likely to have cost him his life; for, after 
discovering this, Massasoyt sought it both privately and 
openly. This caused Squanto to stick close to the English, 
and he never dared leave them till he died. The colony 
also made good use of the emulation between Hobbamok 
and him, which made them behave more squarely, the 
Governor seeming to countenance the one and the Captain 
the other, by which they procured better intelligence and 
made them both more zealous in their service. 

Now their provisions were practically all exhausted and 
they looked anxiously for supplies, but none came. About 
the latter end of May, however, they spied a boat at seay 
which at first they thought was some Frenchman ; but it 
proved to be a shallop which came from a ship which Mr. 
Weston and another man had sent out fishing at a place 
called Damariscove, 40 leagues to the eastward of them, 
where that year many ships had come to fish. This boat 
brought seven passengers and some letters, but no provisions 
and no hope of any. Part of this letter I will give. 



98 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth: 

The Fortune, in which Mr. Cushman went, — who I hope is with 
you, for we daily expect the ship back again, — left England at the 
beginning of July with 35 persons, though not over well provided 
with necessaries owing to the parsimony of the adventurers. I 
have begged them to send you a supply of men and provisions be- 
fore she returns. They all answer they will do great things when 
they hear good news — nothing before, so faithful, constant, and 
careful of your good are your old and honest friends, that if they 
hear not from you they are not likely to send 3'ou supplies. . . . 
I will now explain the sending of this ship, hoping if you give me 
credit, you will have a more favourable opinion of the project than 
some here, whereof Pickering is one. . . . Mr. Beauchamp and I 
have bought this little ship, and have fitted her out, partly, it may 
be, to benefit the plantation, and partly to recoup ourselves for 
former losses ; though we are censured. . . . This is the reason we 
have sent this ship and these passengers, on our own account; and 
we desire you to entertain them and supply them, with such 
necessaries as you can spare. . . . And among other things, pray 
lend or sell them some seed corn, or if you have some of the salt 
remaining from last year, let them have it for their present use, 
and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when our salt 
pan is at work, which we want to have set up in one of the little 
islands in your bay. . . . We intend, if God please, and the others 
will not join us, to send within a month another ship, which, having 
discharged her passengers, will go to Virginia. . . . And perhaps 
we shall send a small ship to remain with you on the coast, which 
should be a great help to the plantation. In order that we may 
accomplish our endeavours, which will be also for your good, pray 
give them entertainment in your houses while they are with you, 
so that they may lose no time, but may at once proceed to fell trees 
and cleave them, so that lading may be ready, and the ship be not 
delayed. 

Some of the adventurers have sent you herewith some directions 
for your furtherance in the common enterprise, — like those whom 
St. James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warm himself, 
but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the 
plantation, but send you no means wherewith to do it. . . . By the 
next ship we intend to send more people on our own account, and 
to take a patent ; lest your people should be as inhuman as are some 
of the adventurers, and should not permit us to dwell with them, 
which would be such extreme barbarism that I will not let myself 
think you have any such Pickerings among you. Yet to satisfy our 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 99 

passengers I must perforce do it, and for some other reasons which 
I need not write. ... I find the rest so backward, and your friends 
at Leyden so cold, that I fear you must stand on your own legs, 
and trust (as they say) to God and yourselves. 

Subscribed, 

Your loving friend, 

THOS. WESTON. 

Several other things I pass over, being tedious and im- 
pertinent. 

All this was but cold comfort with which to fill their 
-hungry bellies and a slender performance of his recent 
promise, and as little did it either fill or warm them as those 
the Apostle James speaks of, to which he refers. 

There came by the same ship other letters, but of later 
date, one from Mr. Weston and another from some of the 
other adventurers, as follows. 

Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth:, 

Mr. Carver, 

Since my last, in order that we might more readily help the com- 
pany, at a meeting of some of the principal adventurers a proposi- 
tion was made and agreed to by all present, except Pickering, that 
each man should further adventure the third part of what he had 
formerly done. Some others followed Pickering's example and 
would adventure no more. Therefore, the greater part of the ad- 
venturers being willing to support the enterprise, seeing no reason 
why those who were willing, should carry on the business of those 
who were unwilling, and whose backwardness discouraged those 
who would go forward, and hindered other new adventurers from 
joining, we, having well considered the matter, have resolved 
according to the article in our agreement (that, by general conseat, 
the adventurers and settlers for just cause may break off their joint 
stock), to break it off; and beg you to ratify and confirm the same 
on your parts. This being done we shall the more willingly proceed 
to provide you with necessary supplies. But in any case you must 
agree to the articles and send them back under your hands and seals 
by the first ship. So I end. 

Your loving friend, 
Jan. lytK 1621. THOS. WESTON. 



100 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Another letter was written by part of the company of the 
adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with nine 
of their names, of which Mr. Weston's and Mr. Beau- 
champ's were two. This inconstancy and shuffling seemed 
strange, and it appeared there was some mystery in the 
matter. So the Governor concealed these letters from the 
public and only imparted them to some trusted friends 
for advice, who agreed with him that to inform them would 
tend to disband and scatter them in their present necessity; 
and if Mr. Weston and others like-minded should come 
over with shipping, provisioned as his letters suggested, 
most of the advantage would fall to him, to the prejudice 
of themselves and their friends and the rest of the adventur- 
ers, from whom as yet they had heard nothing. Indeed it 
was doubted whether he had not sent over the people in 
the former ship with this idea. However, they took com- 
passion on the seven whom this ship, fishing to the eastward, 
had kept till planting time was over, so that it was too late 
for them to set their corn, and who brought no food, for 
they turned them ashore without any. Nor had the salt-pan 
come ; so they could not accomplish any of the things which 
Mr. Weston had mentioned, and might have starved if the 
plantation had not succoured them. Their wants were 
supplied exactly as the rest of the settlers'. The ship went 
down to Virginia, where they sold both ship and fish, of 
the proceeds of which Mr. Weston received a very slender 
share, it is understood. 

After this came another of his ships, bringing letters 
dated the loth April, from Mr. Weston, as follows. 

Mr. Weston in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:, 

Mr. Bradford, these, etc. 

The Fortune has arrived, whose good news concerning you I am 
very glad to hear. And though she was robbed on the way by the 
French, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the prospect of 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 101 

so great a return much encourages the adventurers, so that I hope 
some matter of importance will be done by them. ... As for my- 
self, I have sold my adventure and debts to them, so I am quit of 
you, and you of me, for that matter. . . . And now, though I have 
no position as an adventurer amongst j-ou, I will advise you a Httle 
for your good, if you like to avail yourselves of it. I know as well 
as any the disposition of your adventurers, whom the hope of gain 
has drawn on to what they have done ; but I fear that hope will not 
draw them much further. Besides, most of them are against send- 
ing your friends at Leyden, in whose interests this business was 
first begun; and some of the most rehgious (for instance a Mr. 
Greene) takes exception to them. So that my advice is (you may 
follow it if you please) that you forthwith break off your joint 
stock, which you have the right to do both in law and conscience, 
since the majority of the adventurers have sanctioned it in a former 
letter. The resources you have there, which I hope will be to some 
purpose by means of this spring's trade, may, with the help of 
some friends here, meet the expense of transporting the Leyden 
contingent, and when they are with you I do not question but by 
God's help you will be able to subsist of yourselves. But I leave 
you to your own discretion. 

I requested several of the adventurers, Mr. Pierce, Mr. Greene, 
and others, if they had anything to send you, — such as food or 
letters, — to send them by these ships ; and wofidering that they sent 
not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what letters they 
had, and after some hesitation one of them told me he had one, 
which was delivered him with great show of secrecy; and for its 
greater security he was told to buy a pair of new shoes, and sew it 
between the soles for fear of its being intercepted. I, taking the 
letter, wondering what mystery might be in it, broke it open and 
found this treacherous letter subscribed by the hands of Mr. 
Pickering and Mr. Greene. Had it come to your hands without 
comment, it might have injured, if not ruined, us all. For assuredly 
if you had followed their instructions, and had treated us as un- 
kindly as they advise you to, distrusting us as enemies, etc., it 
might have set us together by the ears to our destruction. For I 
believe that in such a case, knowing the nature of past business 
between us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been 
violent and heady against you. ... I meant to have settled the 
people I before and now send you, with or near you, for mutual 
security and defence and help on all occasions. But I find the 
adventurers so jealous and suspicious that I have altered my 
resolution, and have given orders to my brother and those with 
him to do as he and they shall find fit. 

Your loving friend, 
April loth, 1621. THOS. WESTON- 



102 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Part of Mr. Pickering's arid Mr. Greene's letter to the Settlers at 

New Plymouth: 

To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc. 
My dear love remembered to you all, etc. 

The company has bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they 
are freed of a man who thought himself superior to the rest, and 
not expressing so much fear of God as was meet. I need say no 
more : a few words to the wise. 

Mr. Weston will not permit letters to be sent in his ships, nor 
anything for your good or ours, since it would be contrary to his 
interests. His brother Andrew, whom he sends as principal in one 
of these ships, is a violent, heady young man, and set against you 
there and the company here. He and Mr. Weston plot their own 
ends, which tend to your and our undoing in respect of our estates 
there. We are informed by credible testimony that his purpose is 
to come out to your colony, pretending he comes for and from the 
adventurers, and will try to get whatever you have in readiness 
aboard his ships, as if they came from the company; and all will 
then be so much profit to himself. Further, they intend to inform 
themselves what special places or sources of profit you have dis- 
covered, so that they may suppress and deprive you. . . . 

The Lord, who is the watchman of Israel and sleepeth not, pre- 
serve you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorry that 
there is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man ; 
so I leave you to God, Who bless and multiply you into thousands, 
to the advancement of the glorious gospel of Our Lord Jesus. 
Amen. Farewell. 

,,.Your loving friends, 

EDWARD PICKERING. 
WILLIAM GREENE. 

I pray conceal both the writing and delivery of this letter, but 
make the best use of it. We hope to fit out a ship ourselves withini 
this month. 

The following are of the chief points of Mr. Weston's 
comments on the foregoing letter: 

Mr. Bradford, this is the letter I wrote you of, which to answeifi 
in every particular were needless and tedious. My own conscience 
and all our people can, and I think will, testify that my end in 
sending the ship Sparrow was your good. . . . Now I will not deny 
that there are many of our people rude fellows, as these men term 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 103 

them; yet I presume they will be governea by such as I set over 
them, and I hope not only to be able to reclaim them from their 
profaneness, but, by degrees, draw them to God. ... I am so far 
from sending you rude fellows to deprive you either by fraud or 
violence of what is yours, that I have ordered the captain of the 
Sparrow to leave with you 2000 of bread, and a good quantity of 
fish.* . . . But I will leave it to you to consider what evil this letter 
might have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effect 
its writers desired. 

Now if you be of the same mind as these men, deal plainly with 
us, and we will seek our residence elsewhere. If you are as friendly 
as we have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of friends 
and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drink, nor lodging, 
without in some way or other paying you for it. ... I shall leave 
in the country a Httle ship, if God send her safe thither, with 
sailors and fishermen, to stay there to coast and trade with the 
savages and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpful 
to you as you will be to us. I think I shall see you next spring ; so 
I commend you to the protection of God, Who ever keep you. 

Your loving friend, 

THOS. WESTON. 



Thus all their hopes in regard to Mr. Weston were laid 
in the dust, and all his promised help turned into empty 
advice, which they saw it was neither lawful nor profitable 
for them to follow. And they were thus not only left des- 
titute of help in their extreme want, having neither food nor 
anything to trade with, but others were preparing to glean 
up what the country might have afforded for their relief. 
As for the harsh censures and suspicions intimated in the 
former and following letters, they desired to judge them as 
charitably and wisely as they could, weighing tliem in the 
balance of love and reason ; and though they came in part 
from godly and loving friends, they recognized that much 
might arise from over-deep jealousy and fear, or from 
provocation, — though they saw clearly that Mr. Weston 
pursued his own ends and was embittered in spirit. After 

*But he did not leave his own men a bite of bread! 



104 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

the receipt of the former letters the Governor received one 
from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the ship and was 
always intimate with Mr. Weston, — as former passages 
prove. It had seemed strange that nothing was heard from 
him all this while ; but it seems it was the difficulty of send- 
ing, for this letter was directed as if from a wife in England 
to her husband who was here, and was brought by him to the 
Governor. It was as follows. 

Robert Cushman in England to Governor Bradford at New 
Plymouth: 

Beloved Sir, 

I heartily salute you, trusting you are well, and with many thanks 
for your love. By God's providence we got home safely on the 17th 
Feb., being robbed by the French on the way and taken by them into 
France, where we were kept 15 days and lost all that we had that 
was worth taking. But thanks be to God we escaped with our lives 
and our ship. It does not seem to have discouraged any here. I 
purpose by God's grace to see you shortly, I hope in June next or 
before. In the meantime consider well the following. Mr. Weston 
has quite broken off from our company, through some disagreement 
that arose between him and some of the other adventurers, and has 
sold all his adventurers and has now sent three small ships for his 
particular colony. Of the biggest of these, which is 100 tons, Mr. 
Reynolds is captain; Mr. Weston intends to come himself with the 
others, — why I know not. 

The people they take are no men for us, so I beg you not to 
entertain them nor to exchai^e men with them, except perhaps some 
of your worst. He has taken out a patent for himself. If they 
offer to buy anything of you let it be such as you can spare and let 
them give full value for it. If they borrow anything of you let 
them leave a good pawn. ... It is probable he will settle south- 
ward of the Cape, for William Trevor has lavishly told what he 
knew (or imagined) of Capawack, Monhegan and the Narragansetts. 
I fear these people will hardly deal as well with the savages as they 
should. I advise 3'ou therefore to signify to Squanto that they are 
a distinct body from us, and we have nothing to do with them; 
that we must not be blamed for their faults, — much less can we 
warrant their fidelity. We are about to recover our losses in 
France. Our friends at Leyden are well, and as many as can will 
come this time. I hope all will turn out for the best, so I pray you 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 105 

not to be discouraged, but to meet these difficulties cheerfully and 
with courage, in that place wherein God has set you until the day 
of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us 
comfortably together again, if it may stand with His glory. 

Yours, 

ROBERT CUSHMAN. 

On the other side of the leaf in the same letter, came 
these few Hnes from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the 
patent here was taken, and of whom more will follow in its 
place. 

John Pierce in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth: 

Worthy Sir, 

I desire you to take into consideration what is written on the 
other side, and in no way to let your own colony be contaminated, 
whose strength is but weakness and may therefore be more en- 
feebled. As for the Letters of Association, by the next ship we 
send I hope you will receive satisfaction; in the meantime whom 
you admit I will approve. As for Mr. Weston's company, I think 
them so inferior for the most part that they do not seem fit for 
honest men's company. I hope they may prove otherwise. It is not 
my purpose to write at length, but cease in these few lines, and so 
rest, 

Your loving friend, 

JOHN PIERCE. 

All this they considered carefully; but they decided to 
give the men friendly entertainment, partly out of regard 
for Mr. Weston himself, considering what he had done for 
them, and partly out of compassion for the people, who 
had come into a wilderness (as they themselves had before) 
and were presently to be put ashore altogether ignorant of 
what to do. The ship was then to carry other passengers to 
Virginia. So, as they had received Mr. Weston's former 
company of seven men, and victualed them as their own 
hitherto, they received these — about sixty strong men — and 
gave them housing for themselves and their goods; and 



106 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

many of them who were sick had the best the place could 
afford them. They stayed most of the summer, till the ship 
came back again from Virginia ; then by the direction of 
those set over them, they moved to Massachusetts Bay, 
where Mr. Weston had obtained a patent for some land on 
the strength of reports which he had got in some of the 
letters previously sent home. They left all their sick folk 
here till they were settled and housed. But of the pro- 
visions of this contingent the New Plymouth Colony ac- 
cepted none, — though they were in great want, — nor any- 
thing else in return for any courtesy rendered by them ; nor 
did they desire it, for they were an unruly company, without 
proper government, and would inevitably soon fall into want 
if Mr. Weston did not come out to them. So, to prevent all 
chance of subsequent trouble, they would accept nothing 
from them. 

In these straits, deserted by those from whom they had 
hoped for supplies, and famine beginning to pinch them 
severely, the Lord, Who never fails His, provided assistance 
beyond all expectation. A boat which came from the east- 
ward brought them a letter from a stranger whose name 
they had never heard before, the captain of a fishing ship. 
This letter was as follows. 

Captam Jolm Hnddleston to the Colony at Nezu Plymouth: 

To all good friends at New Plj^mouth, these, etc., 
Friends, Countrymen, and Neighbours, 
I salute you and wish you all health and happiness in the Lord. I 
make bold to trouble you with these lines, because unless I were 
inhuman I could do no less. Bad news spreads itself too far; but 
still, I may inform you that I and many good friends in the south 
colony of Virginia, have sustained such a loss as the lives of 400 
persons would not suffice to make good. Therefore I hope, although 
not knowing you, that the old rule which I learnt at school may be 
sufficient ; that is, — Happy is he whom other men's ills doth make to 
beware ! And now, again and again wishing all those that willingly 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 107 

would serve the Lord all health and happiness in the world, and 
everlasting peace in the world to come, I rest, 

Yours, 

JOHN HUDDLESTON. 

By this boat the Governor returned a grateful answer, 
and also sent a boat of their own with Mr. Winslow, to 
procure what he could from the ships. He was kindly 
received by the captain, who not only spared what provisions 
he could but wrote to others to do the same. By this means 
he got a good quantity and returned in safety. Thus the 
plantation had a double benefit: first, they were refreshed at 
the time by the food obtained ; secondly, they knew the way 
to those parts to their advantage thereafter. What this 
small boat brought, divided among so many, came to but 
little ; still, by God's blessing it sustained them until harvest. 
It amounted to a quarter of a pound of bread a day for each 
person; and the Governor had it given out daily, otherwise, 
had it been in their own custody, they would have eaten it 
up and then starved. In this way with what else they could 
get they made fair shift till their corn was ripe. 

This summer they built a fort with good timber, — a 
handsome building and a good defence, made with a flat 
roof and battlement, on which their ordnance was mounted, 
and where they kept constant watch, especially in time of 
danger. It served them also as a meeting house and was 
fitted accordingly for that use. It was a big undertaking for 
them at this period of weakness and want; but the danger- 
ous times necessitated it ; and the continual rumours about 
the Indians here, especially the Narragansetts, and also tlie 
news of the great massacre in Virginia, made all hands will- 
ing to complete it. 

Now the welcome time of harvest approached, in which 
all had their hungry bellies filled. But it amounted to but 
little compared with a full year's supply, partly because they 



108 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

were not yet used to the culture of Indian corn (they had no 
other), partly owing to their many other employments; but 
chiefly their weakness for want of food prevented them 
from cultivating it as they should have done. Again, much 
was stolen even before it became eatable, and much more 
afterwards — and though many were well whipped when 
they were caught stealing a few ears of com, hunger drove 
others to it, whom conscience did not restrain. It was quite 
clear that famine would prevail again next year if not pre- 
vented, or if their supplies, to which they dare not trust, 
should fail. Markets there were none to go to, except the 
Indians ; and even then they had no trading commodities. 
Behold nov/ another providence of God. A ship comes into 
the harbour in charge of a Captain Jones, fitted out by some 
merchants to discover all the harbours between here and 
Virginia and the shoals of Cape Cod, and to trade along the 
coast where they could. This ship had supplies of English 
beads which were then good trade, and some knives, — 
though the Captain would sell none except at high prices 
and in large quantities. But they were so glad of the chance 
that they were willing to buy at any rate, — even at a pre- 
mium of loo per cent, if not more, and even then to sell 
coat-beaver at three shillings per pound, which a few years 
after fetched twenty shillings. By this means they were 
able again to trade for beaver and other things, and intended 
to buy what corn they could. 

But I will here take the liberty of making a little digres- 
sion. There was aboard this ship a gentleman, by name Mr. 
John Pory, who had been secretary in Virginia, and was 
now going home as a passenger. After his departure he 
wrote a letter to the Governor, in the postscript of which 
were these lines : 

To j^ourself and Mr. Brewster I must acknowledge mj'self much 
indebted, and would have you feel that his books are well bestowed 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 109 

on one who esteems them such jewels. My haste would not suffer 
me to remember, much less to ask for, Mr. Ainsworth's elaborate 
work upon the five Books of Moses. Both his and Mr. Robinson's 
highly commend the authors, as conversant with the scriptures 
above all others. And who knows what good it may please God 
to work by them, through my unworthy hands, who finds such high 
content in them. God have you all in His keeping. 

Your unfeigned and firm friend, 

JOHN PORY. 
Aug. 28th, 1622. 

This I insert here in honour of the author's memory, 
which this gentleman thus ingenuously acknowledges ; and 
he, upon his return, did the plantation much credit amongst 
men of no mean rank. But to return. 

Shortly after harvest Mr. Weston's people, who were now 
settled in Massachusetts, and had, by disorder as it seems, 
made havoc of their provisions, began now to realize that 
want would press them. Finding that the people here had 
bought trading commodities, and intended to trade for corn, 
they wrote to the Governor and asked that they might join 
them in trading, employing their small ship for the purpose ; 
and further requested them either to lend or to sell them 
some of their trading commodities in return, and the}'- would 
undertake to make payment when Mr. Weston or their sup- 
plies should come. The Governor agreed to do so upon 
equal terms, intending to go round the cape southwards, 
with the ship, where corn might be got. Captain Standish 
was appointed to go with them, and Squanto as a guide and 
interpreter, about the latter end of September; but the 
winds drove them in ; and putting out again, Captain Stand- 
ish fell ill with fever, so the Governor went himself. But 
they could not get round the shoals of Cape Cod, for flats 
and breakers, and Squanto could not direct them better. 
The Captain of the boat dare not venture any further, so 
they put into Manamoick Bay, and got what they could 
there. 



110 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

Here Squanto fell ill of Indian fever, bleeding much at 
the nose, — which the Indians take for a symptom of death, — 
and within a few days he died. He begged the Governor 
to pray for him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God 
in heaven, and bequeathed several of his things to some of 
his English friends, as remembrances. His death was a 
great loss. 

On this voyage they got in one place or another about 
26 or 28 hogsheads of corn and beans, which was more than 
the Indians could well spare hereabouts, for they sowed but 
little till they got English hoes. So they had to return, dis- 
appointed that they could not get round the Cape and were 
not better laden. Afterwards the Governor took a few men 
and went to inland places to get what he could, to be fetched 
home in the spring, which was some help. 

In February a messenger came from John Sanders, who 
was left in charge of Mr. Weston's men at the Bay of 
Alassachusetts, bringing a letter telling of the great want 
they had fallen into. He wished to borrow a hogshead of 
corn from the Indians, but they would lend him none. He 
asked whether he might not take it from them by force to 
supply his men till he returned from the east, where he was 
going. The governor and the rest dissuaded him strongly, 
for it might exasperate the Indians and endanger their 
safety, and all might smart for it. Already it had been 
rumoured how they had wronged the Indians by stealing 
their corn, etc., and that they were much incensed against 
them. But so depraved were some of Mr. Weston's people, 
that they went and told the Indians that the Governor in- 
tended to come and take their corn by force. This and 
other things made them enter into a conspiracy against the 
English, of which more in the next chapter. Herewith I 
end this year. 



CHAPTER IV 

Rescue of Weston's Settlement — Weston arrives at New Ply- 
month — His reception and ingratitude — Individual planting of 
corn substituted for commimal — Hardships — John Pierce and 
the Patent — Sixty new Settlers — Compact between the Col- 
ony and private Settlers — Captain Robert Gorges, Governor- 
General of New England — Weston charged and arrested — Fire 
at New PljTnouth: Storehouse threatened: 1623. 

It may be thought strange that the Weston colony should 
have fallen into such extremity in so short a time being fully 
provided when the ship left them, in addition to their share 
of the corn w^hich was got by trade, besides much that they 
got by one means or another from the Indians where tliey 
lived. It must needs have been their lack of order, spending 
excessively whilst they had it, and may be wasting part 
among the Indians — for the chief man amongst them was 
said to keep Indian women, how truly I know not. Then, 
when they began to want many sold their clothes and bed- 
coverings ; others, — so depraved were they, — became serv- 
ants to the Indians, cutting them wood and fetching them 
water for a capfull of corn; others fell to plain stealing 
from the Indians of which they complained grievously. In 
the end some starved and died with cold and hunger ; one in 
gathering shell-fish was so weak he stuck fast in the mud, 
and was found dead in the place ; at last most of them left 
their dwellings, and scattered up and down in the woods and 
by the water-side, a few here and a few there, wherever 
they could find ground-nuts and clams. 

The Indians scorned them for such conduct, and began 
to insult them in a most insolent manner. Often, while they 

in 



112 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

were cooking a pot of ground-nuts or shell-fish, when it was 
ready, the Indians would come and eat it up; and at night 
they would come and steal the blankets from such few as 
had them, and let them lie in the cold. Their condition was 
very lamentable, and in the end, in order to satisfy the 
Indians, they were obliged to hang one of their men whom 
they could not keep from stealing. 

While things went on thus, the Governor and the people 
here had notice that their friend Massasoyt was sick, and 
near to death. They visited him, and took whatever they 
could to relieve him ; and he recovered. He then discovered 
a conspiracy amongst the Indians of Massachusetts, and 
other neighbouring tribes with whom they had conspired, 
to wipe out Mr. Weston's people, in revenge for the con- 
tinual injuries they did them, taking opportunity of their 
weakness to do it. And believing that the people at New 
Plymouth would avenge their death, they decided to do the 
same by them, and had solicited Massasoyt to join them. 
He advised the New Plymouth settlement to prevent it, by 
speedily capturing some of the chief of the conspirators 
before it was too late, for he assured them of the truth 
of it. 

This troubled them much, and they took it into serious 
deliberation, and upon examination found other evidence 
too long to relate. In the meantime one of Mr. Weston's 
people came from Massachusetts, with a small pack on his 
back; and though he did not know a foot of the way, he 
got here safe. He lost his way, which was well for him, for, 
though pursued, he was missed. He told them here how 
everything stood among them, and that he dared stay no 
longer. He believed, by what he observed, they would all 
be knocked on the head shortly. 

So the people at New Plymouth made the more haste, 
and they despatched a boat with Captain Standish and some 



THE PL^TVIOUTH SETTLEMENT 113 

men, who found them in a miserable condition out of which 
he rescued them, and killed some few of the chief con- 
spirators among the Indians, and according to his order, 
offered to bring the remnant of the Weston settlement here 
if they thought well, in which case they should fare no 
worse than the colonists themselves, till Mr. Weston or 
some supplies came to them. Or, if they preferred any 
other course, he was to give them any assistance he could. 
They thanked him, but most of them begged he would give 
them some corn so that they could go with their small ship 
to the eastward, where they might hear of Mr. Weston or 
get some supplies from him, since it was the time of the 
year for the fishing ships to be out. If not, they would 
work among the fishermen for their living, and get their 
passage back to England if they heard nothing from IMr. 
Weston in the meantime. So he put aboard what they had, 
and he got them all the corn he could, scarcely leaving 
enough to bring himself home, and saw them well out of the 
bay, under sail at sea. Then he came back, not accepting a 
penny worth of anything from them. I have but touched 
these things briefly because they have been published in 
print more completely already. 

This was the end of those who at one time boasted of 
their strength, — all able, healthy men, — and what they 
would do in comparison with the people here, who had many 
women and children and weak ones among them and who 
had said, on their first arrival, when they saw the want here, 
that they would take a very different course and not to fall 
into any such condition as these simple people had come to. 
But a man's way is not in his own hands. God can make 
the weak to stand : let him also that standeth take heed lest 
he fall! 

Shortly after, when he heard of the ruin and destitution 
of his colony, Mr. Weston came over with some of the 



114 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

fishermen, vinder another name, and disguised as a black- 
smith. He got a boat, and with a man or two came to see 
how things were there. But on the way ashore he was 
caught in a storm, and his shallop was sunk in the bay, 
between Merrlmac river and Piscataqua, and he barely es- 
caped with his life. Afterwards he fell into the hands of 
the Indians, who robbed him of all that he had saved from 
the wreck, and stripped him of all his clothes to his shirt. 
At last he got to Piscataqua and borrowed a suit of clothes, 
and so came to New Plymouth. A strange alteration there 
was in him, to such as had seen him in his former flourish- 
ing condition; so uncertain are the mutable things of this 
unstable world ! And yet men set their hearts upon them, 
though they daily see their vanity. 

After many arguments and much discourse, — former 
troubles boiling in his mind and wrankling there, as was 
discerned, — he asked to borrow some beaver from them, and 
told them he had hopes that a ship with good supplies was 
on its way to him, and that then they should have anything 
they stood in need of. They gave little credit to his report 
of supplies, but pitied his condition and remembered former 
courtesies. They pointed out to him their own wants, and 
said they did not know when they might get any supplies. 
He well knew, also, how the case stood between them and 
the adventurers in England. They had not much beaver, and 
if they should let him have it, it would be enough to cause 
a mutiny among the people since there were no other means 
of procuring them the food and clothes which they so much 
wanted. Nevertheless, they told him they would help him, 
considering his necessity ; but that it must be done secretly 
for the above reasons. So they let him have loo beaver 
skins, which weighed 170 lbs. odd. Thus they helped him 
when all the world failed him ; and with this he went again 
to the ships, and supplied his small ship and some of his 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 115 

men, and bought provisions and fitted himself out ; and it 
was this supply alone which enabled him to pursue his 
course thereafter. But he requited them ill, proving himself 
a bitter enemy upon every opportunity, and never repaying 
them to this day, — except in reproaches and calumnies. 

All this while no supplies were heard of, nor did they 
know when they might expect any. So they began to con- 
sider how to raise m.ore corn, and obtain a better crop than 
they had done, so that they might not continue to endure 
the misery of want. At length after much debate, the 
Governor, v.-ith the advice of the chief among them, allowed 
each man to plant corn for his own household, and to trust 
to themselves for that; in all other things to go on in the 
general way as before. So every family was assigned a 
parcel of land, according to the proportion of their number 
with that in view, — for present purposes only, and making 
no division for inheritance, — all boys and children being in- 
cluded under some family. This was very successful. It 
made all hands very industrious, so that much more corn 
was planted than otherwise would have been by any means 
the Governor or any other could devise, and saved him a 
great deal of trouble, and gave far better satisfaction. The 
women now went willingly into the field, and took their 
little ones with them to plant corn, while before they would 
allege weakness and inability ; and to have compelled them 
would have been thought great tyranny and oppression. 

The failure of this experiment of communal service, 
which was tried for several years, and by good and honest 
men proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other 
ancients, applauded by some of later times, — that the taking 
away of private property, and the possession of it in com- 
munity, by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and 
flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this 
instance, community of property (so far as it went) was 



116 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

found to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard 
much employment which would have been to the general 
benefit and comfort. For the young men who were most 
able and fit for service objected to being forced to spend 
their time and strength in working for other men's wives 
and children, without any recompense. The strong man or 
the resourceful man had no more share of food, clothes, etc., 
than the weak man who was not able to do a quarter the 
other could. This was thought injustice. The aged and 
graver men, who were ranked and equalized in labour, food, 
clothes, etc., with the humbler and younger ones, thought it 
some indignity and disrespect to them. As for men's wives 
who were obliged to do service for other men, such as cook- 
ing, washing their clothes, etc., they considered it a kind of 
slavery, and many husbands would not brook it. This 
feature of it would have been worse still, if they had been 
men of an inferior class. If (it was thought) all were to 
share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an 
equality throughout, and one was as good as another; and 
so, if it did not actually abolish those very relations which 
God himself has set among men, it did at least greatly 
diminish the mutual respect that is so important should be 
preserved amongst them. Let none argue that this is due 
to human failing, rather than to this communistic plan of 
life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this failing 
in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of 
life was fitter for them. 

But to return. After this had been settled, and their 
corn was planted in this way, all their food supplies were 
consumed, and they had to rely upon God's providence, 
often at night not knowing where to get a bit of anything 
next day; and so, as one well observed, they had need 
above all people in the world, to pray to God that He would 
give them their daily bread. Yet they bore their want with 



THE PI.YMOUTH SETTLEMENT 117 

great patience and cheerfulness of spirit, and that for up- 
wards of two years ; which reminds me of what Peter 
Martyr writes in praise of the Spaniards, in his Fifth Dec- 
ade, page 208. "They," says he, "led a miserable life five 
days together, with the parched grain of maize only," and 
concludes, "that such pains, such labour, and such hunger, 
he thought none living, who was not a Spaniard could have 
endured." But alas ! these colonists, when they had maize, 
— that is Indian corn, — thought it as good as a feast; and 
not only lacked bread for days at a time, but sometimes for 
two or three months continuously were without bread or any 
kind of corn. Indeed, in another place, — his Second Dec- 
ade, page 94, the same writer mentions how some others 
were even worse put to it, and ate dogs, toads, and dead 
men, — and so died almost all. From these extremities the 
Lo'-d in His goodness kept these His people, and in their 
great need preserved both their lives and their health ; let 
His name have the praise. Yet let me here make use of the 
same writer's conclusion, which in a manner may be applied 
to the people of this colony : "That with their miseries they 
opened a way to these new lands ; and after these hardships, 
with what ease other men came to inhabit them, owing it to 
the calamities which these forerunners had suffered ; so that 
they who followed seemed to go, as it were, to a bride feast, 
where all things are provided for them." 

As for fishing, having but one boat left, and she not very 
well fitted, they were divided into several crews, six or 
seven to a crew, who went out with a net they had bought, 
to catch bass and other fish, each party taking its turn. No 
sooner was the boat emptied of what she had brought, than 
the next crew took her, and went out with her, not returning 
till they had caught something, even though it were five or 
six days, for they knew there was nothing at home, and to 
go home empty would be a great disappointment to the rest. 



118 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

They tried who could do best. If she stayed long or got 
little, then all went to seeking shellfish, which at low water 
they dug out of the sands. This was what they lived on in 
the summer time, till God sent them better; and in winter 
there were ground nuts and fowl to help them out. In the 
summer now and then they got a deer, one or two of the 
fittest being told off to hunt in the woods. What was got in 
tliat way was divided among them. 

At length they received a letter from the adventurers, too 
long and tedious to record here in full, which told of their 
further crosses and frustrations, beginning in this manner. 

The Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth: 

Loving Friends, 

As your sorrows and afflictions have been great, so our crosses 
and interruptions in our proceedings here have not been small. 
After we had, with much trouble and expense, sent the Parragon 
away to sea, and thought all the trouble was at an end, about four- 
teen da3'S after she returned leaking dangerously and battered with 
storms, so that she had to be put into dock and have £ioo spent on 
her. All the passengers lay upon our hands for six or seven weeks, 
and much discontent was occasioned. But we trust all will be well, 
and result to our mutual advantage, if you can wait with patience 
and have but strength to hold on to life. While these things were 
happening, Mr. Weston's ship came, and brought various letters 
from you. . . . We rejoice to hear the good reports that many have 
brought home about you. . . . 

This letter was dated December 21st, 1622. 

This ship was brought out by Mr. John Pierce, and fitted 
out at his own expense, in hope of doing great things. The 
passengers and goods which the company had sent in her he 
took aboard as freight, arranging to land them here. This 
was the man in whose name the colony's first patent was 
taken out, because of the acquaintance of their friends with 
him, though his name was only used in trust. But when he 
saw that they were settled here thus hopefully, and by the 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 119 

success God gave them had obtained the favour of the 
Council of New England, he goes to the Council, as if on 
behalf of the settlers — asks them for another patent, much 
more extensive, which he thus easily obtained. But he 
meant to keep it to himself, and allow the colonists what he 
pleased to grant them as his tenants, and sue to the courts 
as chief lord, as will appear by what follows. But the Lord 
prevented him; for after the first return of the ship, and 
the expenses above mentioned, v/hen she was fitted again, 
he takes in more passengers, and those not very good, to 
try and meet his losses, and sets out a second time. But 
what the result was, will appear in another letter from one 
of the chief members of the company, dated 9th of April, 
1623, written to the Governor here, as follows: 



Loving Friend, 

When I sent my last letter, I hoped to have received one from 
\-ou by this time ; though when I wrote in December I little thought 
I should see Mr. John Pierce till he brought tidings of you. But it 
pleased God that he brought us only the woful tidings of his return, 
driven back by violent storms when he was half way over, wherein 
the goodness and mercj' of God appeared in sparing their lives, — in 
all 109 souls ! The loss is great to Mr. Pierce, and the company is 
put to great expense. . . . 

At last, with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce 
to assign to the Company the grand patent, which he had taken in 
his own name, the former grant being made void. I am sorry to 
v/rite that many here think that the hand of God was justly against 
him, both the first and second time of his return ; for it appears that 
he, whom you and we so confidently trusted only to use his name 
for the company, should actually aspire to be supreme over us all, 
and to make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our patent 
having been annulled by his means. I desire to judge charitably of 
him ; but his unwillingness to part with his Toya.1 lordship, and the 
high rate he put it at, v/hich was £500, — it cost him £50,— makes 
many speak hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his 
ship, v.'ith expense of passengers, £640. . . . 

We have hired from two merchants a ship of 140 tons, called the 
Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring sixty 
passengers and 60 tons of goods. . . . 



120 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

This is their own judgment of the man's proceedings. 
I thought it better to describe them in their words than my 
own. Yet, though no other compensation was got from 
him than the reversion of this patent and the shares he had 
in the adventure, he was never quiet, but sued them in the 
chief courts of England, and when he was still frustrated, 
brought it before Parliament. But he is now dead, and I 
will leave him to the Lord. 

This ship was in greater extremity at sea, during her 
second attempted passage, than one could often hear of — 
without being wrecked — as I have been informed by Mr. 
William Pierce who was then captain of her, and by many 
others who were passengers on her. It was about the mid- 
dle of February. The storm lasted for fourteen days alto- 
gether ; but for two or three days and nights continuously it 
was of fearful violence. After they had cut down their 
mast, their round house and all their upper works were 
swept away; three men had all they could do to keep the 
helm, and the man who held the ship before the wind was 
obliged to be bound fast to prevent him from washing away. 
The seas so over-raked them, that many times those on the 
deck did not know whether they were within board or 
without ; and once she was so foundered in the sea that they 
all thought she would never rise again. But yet the Lord 
preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports- 
mouth, to the wonder of all who saw what a state she was 
in, and heard what they had endured. 

About the latter end of June there arrived a ship, with 
Captain Francis West, commissioned to be Admiral of New 
England, to restrain interlopers and such fishing ships as 
came to fish and trade without a license from tlie Council of 
New England, for which rights they were to be made to 
pay a substantial sum of money. But he could do no good 
with them ; they were too strong for him, and he found the 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 121 

fishermen stubborn fellows ; and their owners, upon com- 
plaui made to Parliament, procured an order that fishing 
should be free. He told the Governor they spoke with a 
ship at sea and were aboard her, which was coming to this 
settlement, in which there were several passengers ; he won- 
dered she had not arrived and feared some mischance, for 
they parted company in a stoinn shortly after they had been 
aboard. This report filled them with fear, though they still 
had hopes. The captain of this ship had some two hogshead 
of peas to sell, but seeing their need he held them at ig 
sterling a hogshead, and would not take under £8, and yet 
he wanted to buy their beaver at less than the market rate. 
So they told him they had lived so long without, they would 
do so still, rather than give such an unreasonable price. So 
he went on to Virginia. 

About fourteen days after, the ship called the Anne ar- 
rived, of which Mr. William Pierce was captain ; and about 
a week or ten days later came the pinnace which they had 
lost in foul weather at sea, — a fine new vessel, of about 
forty-four tons, which the company had built to stay in the 
country. They brought about sixty settlers for the colony, 
some of them very useful persons, who became good mem- 
bers to the body, and some were the wives and children of 
those who were here already. Some of the new settlers 
were so unruly, that they were obliged to go to the expense 
of sending them home again the next year. Besides these 
there were a number who did not belong to the general 
body, but came on their own resources, and were to have 
lands assigned to them, to work for themselves, — but sub- 
ject to the general Government. This caused some differ- 
ences, as will appear. I shall here again take the liberty to 
insert a few things out of letters which came in this ship, 
desiring to give account of things in their own words as 
much as may be. 



122 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Robert Cnshman in England to the Settlers at Nezv Plymouth: 

Beloved Friends, 

I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths and welfare. I 
am sorry that no supplies have been sent to you all this time, and 
in explanation I must refer you to our general letters. Nor have 
we now sent you all that we would, for want of money. But there 
are people more than enough, — though not all who are fit to go, — 
for people come flying in upon us, but money comes creeping in. 
Some few of your old friends have come. ... So they come drop- 
ping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long, you will enjoy them all. 
As people are pressing so hard upon us to go, and often they are 
none of the fittest, I pray 3'ou write earnestly to the treasurer, and 
direct what persons should be sent. It grieves me to see so weak 
a company sent you, and yet had I not been here, they would have 
been weaker. You must still call tipon the company here to see that 
honest men are sent you, and threaten to send back others. ... In 
no way are we in such danger as from corrupt and disorderly per- 
sons. Such and such came without consent; but the importunity 
of their friends got our Treasurer's word in my absence. There is 
no need why we should take lewd men for we have honest men 
enough. . . . 

Your assured friend, 
R. C. 

Thirteen of the Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New 
Plymouth: 

Loving Friends, 

We most heartily salute you in all love and hearty affection, 
hoping that the same God Who has hitherto preserved you in such 
a marvellous manner, continues your lives and health, to His own 
praise and all our comforts. We are very sorry that you have not 
been sent to all this time. . . . We have in this ship sent such 
women as were willing and ready to go to their husbands and friends, 
with their children. . . . We would not have you discontented be- 
cause we have not sent 3^ou more of your old friends, and especially 
him on whom you most depend, John Robinson. Far be it from us 
to neglect you or slight him. But as the original intent was, so the 
results shall show that we will deal fairly, and squarely answer 
your expectations to the full. There also come to j^ou some honest 
men to settle near you, on their own account, which, if we had not 
allowed, would have been to wrong both them and you, — them, by 
inconveniencing them, and j'ou, because, being honest they will be 
a support to the place and good neighbours to you. In regard to 
these private planters we iiave made two stipulations: 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 123 

First, the trade in skins is to be confined to the colonists till the 
dividends ; secondly, while they may settle near 3'ou, it shall be at 
such distance as is neither inconvenient to the apportionment of 
your lands, nor to your easily assembling together in case of need. 

We have sent you several fishermen, with salt. . . . We have 
sent you various other provisions, as will appear in your bill of 
lading, and though we have not sent all we would, because our cash 
is small, it is what we could. 

Although as it seems, you have discovered many more rivers and 
fertile grounds than Avliere you are, since by God's providence, the 
place fell to 3'our lot, let it be accepted as your portion ; and rather 
fix yotir eyes upon what may be done there, than languish in hope 
after things elsewhere. If your site is not the best, it is the better 
because jou will be envied or encroached upon less, and such as are 
earthly minded will not settle too near your border. If the land 
afford you bread, and the sea yield you fish, rest you awhile con- 
tented. God will one day grant j'ou better fare ; and all men shall 
know that j'ou are neither fugitives nor discontents, but can, if 
God so order it, take the worst to yourselves with content, and leave 
the best to your neighbours with cheerfulness. 

Let it not grieve you that you have been instruments to break the 
ice for others, who come after with less difficulty; the honour shall 
be yours to the world's end. . . . 

We bear you always in our breasts, and our hearty affection is 
towards you all, as are the hearts of hundreds more who have never 
seen your faces, but who doubtless pray for your safety as their 
own, as we do and ever shall — that the same God which has so 
marvellously preserved j'ott from seas, foes, and famine, will still 
pi"eserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable 
among men, and glorious in bliss at the last day. And so the Lord 
be with you all, and send us joyful news of you, and enable us with 
one shoulder so to accomplish and perfect this work, that much 
glory m.ay come to Him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak, 
and maketh small things great. To Whose greatness be all glory, 
for ever and ever. 

This letter was subscribed with thirteen of their nanie;>. 

The passengers, when they saw the poor condition of 
those ashore, were much daunted and dismayed, and, ac- 
cording to their different characters were, differently 
affected. Some wished themselves in England again; 
others began weeping, fancying what their own misery 
would be from what they saw before them; others pitied 



124 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

the distress they saw their friends had been in so long, 
and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadness. 
Some few of their old friends rejoiced to see them again, 
and to know that it was no worse with them, for they could 
not expect it to be better; and hoped that now they would 
enjoy better days together. And it was certainly not un- 
natural that the new arrivals should be thus affected; for 
the settlers were in very poor case, — many were ragged in 
apparel, and some little better than half naked; though 
some few, who were well stocked before, were well enough 
clothed. But as for food, tliey were all alike, except some 
who had got a few peas from the ship that was last here. 
The best dish they could present to their friends was a 
lobster, or a piece of fish, without any bread, or anything 
else but a cup of fair spring water. The long contin- 
uance of this diet, and their labours, had somewhat abated 
the freshness of their complexions. But God gave them 
health and strength and shovv-ed them by experience the 
truth of that word (Deut. viii, 3) : "Man liveth not by 
bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the 
mouth of the Lord doth a man live." 

When I think how sadly the Scripture speaks of the 
famine in Jacob's time, when he said to his sons, "Go buy us 
food, that we may live and not die " (Gen. xlii, 2, and xliii, 
I ) ; and that the famine was great in the land and yet 
they had such great herds of cattle of various kinds, which 
besides meat produces other foods, such as milk, butter 
and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore affliction; 
when we think of this, then we see that the affliction of 
these settlers must have been very great, who not only 
lacked the staff of life, but all these things, and had no 
Eg>'pt to go to. But God fed them out of the sea for the 
most part, so wonderful is His providence over His in all 
ages; for His mercy endureth for ever. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 125 

Now the original settlers were afraid that their corn, when 
it was ripe, would have to be shared with the new-comers, 
and that the provisions which the latter had brought with 
them would give out before the year was over, — as indeed 
they did. So they went to the Governor and begged him 
that as it had been agreed that they should sow tlieir corn for 
their own use, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary 
pains about it, they might be left to enjoy it. They would 
rather do that than have a bit of the food just come in 
the ship. They would wait till harvest for their own and 
let the new-comers enjoy what they had brought; they 
would have none of it, except what they could purchase 
by bargain or exchange. Their request was granted them 
and it satisfied both sides; for the new-comers were much 
afraid the hungry settlers would eat up the provisions they 
had brought, and then that they would fall into like con- 
ditions of want. 

The ship was laden in a short time with clapboard, by 
the help of many hands. They also sent in her all the beaver 
and other furs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over 
with her, to give information and to procure such things 
as were required. Harvest time had now come, and then 
instead of famine, God gave them plenty, and the face of 
things was changed, to the rejoicing of the hearts of many 
for which they blessed God. And the effect of their partic- 
ular planting was well seen, for all had, one way or another, 
pretty well to bring the year about, and some of the abler 
sort and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others, — 
in fact, no general want or famine has been amongst them 
since, to this day. 

Those that came on their own venture looked for greater 
things than they found, or could attain to, such as building 
great houses in pleasant situations, as they had fancied, — 



126 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

as if they could be great men, and rich, all of a sudden; 
but they proved castles in the air. 

The following were the conditions agreed on between the 
colony and them: 

1. That the Governor in the name and Avith the consent of the 
company embraces and receives them in all love and friendship ; and 
is to allot them competent places for habitations within the town ; 
and promises to show them all such other courtesies as shall be 
reasonable for them to desire, or us to perform. 

2. That they on their parts be subject to all such laws and orders 
as are already made, or hereafter shall be made, for the public good. 

3. That they be free and exempt from the general employments of 
the said company (which their present condition of community re- 
quires), except common defence, and such other employments as 
tend to the perpetual good of the colony. 

4. Towards the maintenance of government, and public officers of 
the said colony, every male above the age of 16 3'ears shall pay a 
bushel of Indian wheat, or the worth of it, into the common store. 

5. That according to the agreement the merchants made with 
them before they came, they are to be debarred from all trade with 
the Indians for all sorts of furs and such like commodities, till 
the time of the communality be ended. 

About the middle of September Captain Robert Gorges 
arrived in the Bay of Massachusetts, with sundry passengers 
and families, intending to begin a plantation there; and 
pitched upon the place that Mr. Weston's people had for- 
saken. He had a Commission from the Council of New 
England, to be Governor-General of the country, and they 
appointed for his counsel and assistance, Captain Francis 
West, — the admiral aforementioned, — Christopher Levett, 
Esquire, and the Governor of New Plymouth for the time 
being, etc. They also gave him authority to choose such 
other as he should see fit. Also, they gave (by their com- 
mission) full power to him and his assistants, or any three 
of them, whereof himself was always to be one, to do and 
execute what should seem to them good, in all cases capital, 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 127 

criminal, and civil, etc. with various other instructions. Of 
these and also his commission, it pleased him to let the 
Governor here take a copy. 

He gave them notice of his arrival by letter, but before 
they could visit him, he went eastward with the ship he 
came in; but a storm got up, and as they lacked a good 
pilot to harbour them there, they bore up for this harbour. 
He and his men were kindly entertained here, and staged 
fourteen days. 

In the meantime Mr. Weston arrived with his small ship, 
which he had now recovered. Captain Gorges, who in- 
formed the Governor here that one purpose of his going 
east was to meet with Mr. Weston, took this opportunity to 
call him to account for some abuses he had to lay to his 
charge. Whereupon he called Weston before him and some 
other of his assistants, with the Governor of this place; 
and charged him first with the ill carriage of his men in 
]\Iassachusetts, by which means the peace of the country 
had been disturbed, and he himself and the people he had 
brought over to settle there were much prejudiced. To this 
Mr. Weston easily answered, that what had been done, was 
in his absence, and might have befallen anyone; he left 
them sufficiently provided, and supposed they would be 
well governed; for any error committed he had sufficiently 
smarted. This particular charge was passed by. 

The second charge was of a wrong done towards his 
father. Sir Ferdinand Gorges, and to the State. The 
offence was this : Mr. Weston had used him and others of 
the Council of New England, to procure him a license for 
the purchase and transportation to New England of many 
pieces of great ordnance, on the plea of great fortifications 
in this country, etc. Having obtained them, he went and 
sold them beyond the seas for his private profit ; at which, 
he said, the State had been much oft'ended, and his father 



128 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

had been sharply rebuked, and he had order to apprehend 
him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but 
could not deny it, it being the main reason why he had left 
England. But after much argument, by the mediation of the 
Governor and some other friends here, he was inclined to be 
lenient, though he foresaw the vexation of his father. 
When Mr. Weston saw this he grew more presumptuous, 
and made such provoking and cutting speeches, that the 
Governor-General rose up in great indignation and dis- 
temper, and vowed that he would either curb him or send 
him home to England. At which Mr. Weston was some- 
what daunted, and came privately to the Governor here, to 
know whether he would allow him to be apprehended. He 
was told they could not prevent it, and blamed him much 
that, after having pacified things, he should again break 
out and by his own folly and rashness bring trouble upon 
himself and them too. He confessed it was his temper, and 
prayed the Governor to intercede for him, and smooth 
things if he could. At last he did so with much ado ; so 
he was summoned again, and the Governor-General con- 
sented to accept his own bond, to be ready to make further 
answer, when either he or the Lords should send for him. 
Finally, he took only his word, and there was a friendly 
parting on all hands. 

But after he had gone, Mr. Weston, in lieu of thanks to 
the Governor and his friends here, gave them this quip 
behind their backs, for all their pains: That though they 
were but young justices, they were good beggars. Thus 
they parted for the time, and shortly after the Governor 
took his leave and went to Massachusetts by land, very 
grateful for his kind entertainment. 

The ship stayed here and fitted herself to go to Virginia, 
having some passengers to deliver there, and with her there 
returned several of those who had come over privately^. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 129 

some from discontent and dislike of the country, others 
because of a fire that broke out, burning the houses they 
hved in and all their provisions. The fire was caused by 
some of the seamen, who were roystering in a house where 
it first began. It being very cold weather, they had made a 
great fire, which broke out of the chimney and set alight 
the thatch, and burnt down three or four houses, and all 
the goods and provisions in them. The house in which 
it began was right against the common storehouse, in 
which were all their provisions ; and they had much diflfi- 
culty in saving it. If it had been lost, the plantation 
would have been ruined. But through God's mercy it 
was saved by the great efforts of the people, and the care 
of the Governor and some about him. Some advised that 
the goods be thrown out; but then there would have been 
much stolen by the rough crews of the two ships, who 
were almost all ashore. But a reliable company was placed 
within, so that if necessity required they could have got 
them all out with speed, and others with wet cloths and 
other means kept off the fire outside. For they suspected 
some malicious dealing, if not plain treachery; though 
whether it was only suspicion or no, God knows. But 
this is certain, that when the tumult was greatest, a voice 
was heard — from whom it was not known — that bid them 
look well about them, for all were not friends near them. 
And shortly after, when the worst of the fire was over, 
smoke was seen to rise from a shed adjoining the end 
of the storehouse, which was wattled up with boughs, the 
withered leaves of which had caught fire. Those who ran 
to put it out found a large firebrand, about a yard long, 
lying under the wall on the inside, which could not possibly 
have come there by accident, but must have been put 
there intentionally, as all thought who saw it. But God 
kept them from this danger, whatever was intended. 



130 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

Shortly after Captain Gorges, the Governor-General, had 
got home to Massachusetts, he sent a warrant to arrest 
Mr, Weston and his ship, and sent a seaman to sail her 
thither, and one. Captain Hanson, of his suite, to be in 
charge of him. The Governor and others were very sorry 
to see him take this course, and took exceptions to the war- 
rant, as not legal or sufficient, and wrote to him to dissuade 
him from this course, showing him that he w^ould but en- 
tangle and burden himself by doing this, and that he could 
not do Mr. Weston a better turn, as things now stood with 
him, for he had a great many men in his service in the ship 
to whom he was deeply in debt for wages, and that he was 
practically out of provisions, and winter was at hand: for 
all of which Captain Gorges would be responsible if he 
arrested his ship. In the meantime Mr. Weston had notice 
to shift for himself; but it was supposed that he did not 
know where to go or how to better himself, but was rather 
glad of the issue, and so did not move. But the Governor- 
General would not be dissuaded, and sent a very formal 
warrant under his hand and seal, with strict orders, as they 
would answer for it to the State ; he also wrote that he had 
better considered things since he was here, and he could not 
answer for it to let him go, besides other things that had 
come to his knowledge since, which Mr. Weston must ac- 
count for. So he was allowed to proceed; but he found in 
the end that what had been told him was true; for when 
an inventory was taken of what was in the ship, food was 
found sufficient for only fourteen days, at a bare allowance, 
and not much else of any worth, and the men clamoured so 
for wages and rations in the meantime, that he was soon 
weary. So in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the ex- 
pense of his provisions ; and towards the spring they came 
to an agreement, after they had been east, and the Governor- 
General restored him his vessel again, and made satisfac- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 131 

tion in biscuit and meal and such like provisions for what 
he had used of his, or what had been wanted or consumed. 
So Mr. Weston came here again, and afterwards shaped 
his course for Virginia, and so for the present I shall leave 
him. He died afterwards at Bristol, at the time of the war, 
of the sickness there. 

The Governor-General and some of his suite soon re- 
turned to England, having scarcely saluted the country put 
under his government, as he did not find the state of things 
here correspond to his station and way of life. The people 
dispersed; some went to England, others to Virginia, some 
few remained and were helped with supplies from here. 
The Governor-General had brought over a minister of re- 
ligion with him, one Mr. Morrell, who, about a year after 
his return, took shipping from here. He had I know not 
what power and authority of superintendence over other 
churches granted him, and sundry instructions to that end ; 
but he never showed it or made use of it. It seems he saw 
it was in vain, and he only spoke of it to some here at his 
departure. This was the end of the second settlement 
there. This year there were also some scattered beginnings 
made in other places, as at Piscataqua by Mr. David 
Thomson, at Monhegan and some other places by several 
others. 

It remains now for me to speak a word about the pin- 
nace mentioned before, sent by the adventurers to be em- 
ployed in the country. She was a fine vessel, and bravely 
fitted out; but I fear the adventurers were over proud of 
her, for she had ill success. However, they made a great 
mistake about two things in her. First, though she had a 
competent master, she was badly manned, and all the crew 
were upon shares, and none were to receive any wages but 
the captain. Secondly, though mainly busied with trade, 
they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When 



132 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

they came over they received bad advice from Mr. Weston 
and others of the same stamp, until neither the captain 
nor the governor could control them, for they declared 
that they were abused and deceived; that they were told 
they would sail as a man of war, and take I know not 
whom, — French, Spaniards, etc. They would neither trade 
nor fish without wages ; in fine, they would obey no orders 
of the captain, and it was feared they would either make 
away with the vessel, or get off on the other ships and 
abandon her. So Mr. Pierce and other friends persuaded 
the Governor to change their conditions, and give them 
wages ; which was accordingly done. Then the vessel was 
sent about the Cape to the Narragansetts to trade, but they 
made a poor voyage of it. They got some corn and 
beaver, but the Dutch had been used to trade with cloth, 
and better commodities, and these had only a few beads 
and knives, which were not valued by the Indians. On 
her return home, at the very entrance into her own har- 
bour, she was almost wrecked in a storm, and was forced 
to cut her main mast by the board, to save herself from 
driving onto the flats that lie outside, called Brown Islands, 
the force of the gale being so great that her anchors gave 
way, and she was being driven right upon them ; but when 
her mast and tackling were gone, they were able to hold 
her till the wind shifted. 



CHAPTER V 

Changes fas form of Government. — ^Pinnace wrecked- 
Private Settlers make trouble — Winslovv returns from England 
with the first Cattle — Faction among Adventiu-ers in England 
-—Objections of the Colony's opponents — Letters from John 
Robinson — Opposition to sending the Leyden people — One 
acre apportioned for permanent holding to each Settler— 
Ship-building and Salt-making — Trouble with Lyford and 
Oldham — Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624. 

The time for the election of the officers for the year hav- 
ing come, the number of people having increased and the 
business of government accordingly, the Governor desired 
them to change the officials and renew the election and give 
the Governor more assistants for his help and advice, point- 
ing out that if it v^as an honour or advantage it was 
only fit that others should share it; if it was a burden, — 
as doubtless it was, — it was but fair that others should help 
to bear it, and that this, in fact, was the purpose of the 
annual elections. The outcome was that whereas before 
there had been only one assistant they now chose five, giv- 
ing the Governor a double voice ; and afterwards they in- 
creased them to seven. This plan has been continued 
to this day. 

Having at some trouble and expense new-masted and 
rigged their pinnace, in the beginning of March they sent 
her well-victualed to the eastward, fishing. She arrived 
safely at a place called Damariscove, and was well har- 
boured where ships were accustomed to anchor, with some 
other ships from England, already there. But shortly after 
there arose such a violent and extraordinary storm, that 

133 



134 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

the seas broke into the harbour in a way that had never been 
known before, and drove her against great rocks, which beat 
such a hole in her bulk that a horse and cart might have 
been driven through, and then she drifted into deep water, 
where she lay sunk. The captain was drowned; the rest 
of the men, except one, with difficulty saved their lives; 
all her provisions, salt, etc., were lost. And here I must 
leave her to lie till afterwards. 

Some of those who still remained here on private venture, 
began secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the 
adventurers in England, on whom several of them depended. 
By their whisperings they drew some of the weaker mem- 
bers of the colony itself to their side, and made them so 
discontented that at last nothing would satisfy them but 
that they might be allowed to be on their own resources also, 
and even made large offers to be freed from the community. 
The Governor consulted with the ablest members of the 
colony, and it was decided to permit them to separate 
on the same terms as the other private settlers, with the 
additional stipulation that they should be bound to remain 
here till the general partnership was concluded; and that 
they should pay into the common store one half of all the 
goods and commodities they might accumulate beyond 
their food, in consideration of expenses already incurred 
for them; and some other similar details. When this lib- 
erty was granted the defection soon stopped, for but few 
took this course when they came to consider it, and the 
rest soon wearied of it. It turned out that they had been 
told by the other private settlers and Mr. Weston that no 
more supplies would be sent to the general body, but that 
the private settlers had friends at home who would do I 
know not what for them. 

Shortly after, Mr. Winslow returned from England and 
brought a pretty good supply of provisions, jvith a ship 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 135 

sent for fishing, — an enterprise never successful with the 
colony. He brought three heifers and a bull, — the first 
cattle in the country, — some clothing and other neces- 
saries. He reported a strong faction amongst the adven- 
turers against the colonists, and especially against sending 
the rest from Leyden. He related with what difficulty the 
present supply was procured, and that by their strong and 
long opposition his departure had been so delayed that not 
only had they now arrived too late for the fishing season 
here, but the best fishermen had gone to the west country 
and he was forced to take the best captain and crew he 
could procure. Some letters from the adventurers will- 
make these things clearer. 

James Shcrley in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth: 

Most worthy and loving Friends, 

Your kind and loving letters I have received with thanks. ... It 
has pleased God to stir up the hearts of the adventurers to raise 
new stock for fitting out this ship, called the Charity, with men and 
necessaries both for the settlement and fishing, — though with very 
great difficulty, since we have amongst us some who undoubtedly 
serve their private ends, and thwart the others here, and worthy 
instruments of God's glory elsewhere,* rather than aiming at the 
general good and furtherance of this noble enterprise. Still we 
have many others, — I hope the majority, — very honest Christian 
men, whose intent I am convinced, is wholly for the glory of Our 
Lord Jesus Christ, the propagation of His gospel, and the hope of 
gaining these poor savages to the knowledge of God. But as the 
proverb says: One scabbed sheep may mar a whole flock, — so 
these malcontented and turbulent spirits do what they can to draw 
men's hearts from you and your friends, and from the general 
business, — even with a show of godliness and zeal for the planta- 
tion. Whereas the aim is quite contrary, as some of the honester 
hearted men (though lately of their faction) made clear at our last 
meeting. But why should I trouble either you or myself with these 
restless opposers of all goodness, who, I doubt not, will be con- 
tinual disturbers of our friendly meetings and love. On Thursday, 
Jan. 8th, we had a meeting about the articles between you and us, 

*He means Mr. John Robinson. 



136 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

at which they moved to reject what we had pressed you to grant in 
our recent letters, — an addition to the period of our joint stock. 
Their reason, as they stated, was that it troubled their conscience to 
exact longer time from you than had been agreed upon at first. 
That evening, however, they were so confused and wearied by their 
own perverse contentions, that they even offered to sell their 
adventures, — and some were willing to buj'. But I, thinking it 
would only raise scandal and false reports, and so do us more 
harm, would not permit it. So on Jan. 12th we had another meet- 
ing. But in the interim several of us had talked with most of 
them privately, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and 
con. But that night, when we met to read the general letter, we 
had the friendliest meeting I ever knew, and our greatest enemies 
offered to put up £50. So I sent for a bottle of wine — I would you 
could do the like — which we drank friendly together. Thus God 
can turn the hearts of men when it pleases Him. . . . Thus loving 
friends, I heartily salute you in the Lord, hoping ever to rest, 

Yours to my power, 

JAMES SHERLEY. 
Jan. 2Sth, 1623. 

Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth: 

Beloved Sir, 

We have now sent you, we hope, men and means to accomplish 
three things, viz., fishing, salt-making, and boat-making: if you can 
master them your wants will be supplied. I pray you exert your- 
selves to do so. Let the ship be loaded as soon as you can, and sent 
to Bilbao. You must send some competent representative, whom, 
once more, you must authorize to confirm the conditions. If Mr. 
Winslow could be spared, I wish he could come again. The boat- 
builder is believed to be one of the best in his trade, and will no 
doubt be of much service. Let him have absolute command over 
his assistants, and whomever you put under him. Let him build 
you two catches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops, as soon 
as you can. The salt-maker is a skilful and industrious man. Put 
some assistants under him who will quickly learn the secret of it. 
The preacher we have sent is, we hope, an honest plain man, 
though none of the most eminent and rare. About his appointment, 
use your own liberty and discretion ; he knows he has no authority 
among you, though perhaps custom and habit may make him forget 
himself. Mr. Winslow and myself gave way to his going, to satisfy 
some here, and we see no reason against it except his large family 
of children. 

We have taken a patent for Cape Ann. . . . 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 137 

I am sorry more discretion is not used by some in their letters 
home* Some say you are starved in body and soul; others that 
you eat pigs and dogs that have died; others that the reports of 
the fertility of the country are gross and palpable lies, that there is 
scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught, and so on. I 
wish such discontented men were back again, rather than the whole 
plantation shall be thus exposed to their passionate humours. 
Hereafter I shall prevent some from going who are not better dis- 
posed ; in the meantime it is our cross, and we must bear it. 

I am sorry we have not sent j-ou more provisions, but we have 
run into so much expense to victual the ship, provide salt, fishing 
implements, etc., that we could not afford other comforts, such as 
butter, sugar, etc. I hope the return of this ship, and the James, 
will put us in cash again. The Lord make you full of courage in 
this troublesome business, which must now be stuck to, till God give 
us rest from our labours. Farewell, in all hearty affection. 

Your assured friend, 

R. C. 
Jan. 24th, 1623. 



With the former letter from Mr. Sherley were sent 
various charges against the colony, of which he writes thus : 
"These are the chief objections which those just returned 
raise against you and the country. I pray you consider 
them, and answer them at your first convenience." 

These objections were made by some of those who came 
over on private enterprise, and had returned home as before 
mentioned; they were of the same kind as those the last 
letter mentions. I shall record them here, with the answers 
made to them and sent over at the return of this ship. The 
fault-finders were so confounded that some confessed, and 
others denied what they had said and ate their words ; some 
have since come over again, and have lived here to convince 
themselves sufficiently. 

Obj. I. Diversity of religious beliefs. 

Ans : We know of no such diversity, for there has never been 

♦This was John Oldham, and his like. 



138 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

any controversy, either public or private, to our knowledge, since we 
came. I 

Obj. 2. Neglect of family duties on the Lord's day. 

Ans : We allow no such thing. They who report it, would have 
showed their Christian love more if they had told the offenders of 
it kindly, rather than thus to reproach them behind their backs. 
But, to say no more, we wish they themselves had given a better 
example. 

Obj : 3. Want of both the sacraments. 

Ans : The more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us, at 
whose hands we might enjoy them. In Holland we used to have 
the Lord's supper every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there were 
children to baptise. 

Obj. 4. Children are not catechised, or taught to read. 

Ans : Neither is true — several take pains with their own, as well 
as they can. We have no common school, for want of a fit person 
hitherto, or means to obtain one ; though we hope now to begin. 

Obj. 5. Many of the private members of the colony will not 
work for the community. 

Ans : This also is not wholly true : for though some do it un- 
willingly, and others not honestly, still all do it. The worst of 
them gets his own food, and something besides. We do not excuse 
them, but try to reform them the best we can, — or else quit the 
settlement of them. 

Obj. 6. The water is not wholesome. 

Ans: If they mean not so wholesome as the good wine and beer 
in London, which they so dearly love, we will not dispute them ; 
but for water, it is as good as any in the world, so far as we know, 
and it is wholesome enough for us who can be content with it. 

Obj. 7. The ground is barren, and grows no grass. 

Ans : Here, as everyv/here, some ground is better, some worse. 
The cattle find grass for they are as fat as need be ; we wish we had 
but one beast for every hundred that there is grass to keep. This 
objection, like some others, is ridiculous to all here who see and 
know the contrary. 

Obj. 8. The fish cannot be salted, to keep them sweet. 

Ans: This is as true as writing that there is scarcely a fowl to 
be seen, or a fish to be caught ; things likely to be true in a country 
where so many ships come fishing yearly! They might as well say 
that no ale or beer in London can be kept from going sour. 

Obj. 9. Many of them steal from one another. 

Ans : If London had been free from that crime, we should not 
have been troubled with it here. It is well known that several 
have smarted well for it — and so are the rest liliely to do whenever; 
they are caught, 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 139 

Obj. 10. The country is over-run with foxes and wolves. 

Ans : So are many other good countries, too ; but poison, traps, 
and other such means will help to destroy them. 

Obj. II. The Dutch are settled near Hudson's Bay, and are likely 
to overthrow the trade. 

Ans : They would come and settle here as well, if we and others 
did not, or if we went home and left it to them. We rather com- 
mend them, than condemn them for it. 

Obj. 12. The people are much pestered with mosquitoes. 

Ans: They are too delicate and unfit to begin new plantations 
and colonies who cannot endure the biting of a mosquito. We would 
wish such to keep at home, — at least till they be mosquito proof. 
But this is as free as any, and experience teaches that the more the 
land is tilled and the woods cut down, the fewer there will be, — and 
in the end scarcely any at all. 

Having dispatched those objections, I will here insert 
tv/o letters from Mr. Robinson, their pastor ; the one to the 
Governor, the other to Mr. Brewster, their elder, which 
will throw much light on what has gone before, and show 
the tender love and care of a true pastor towards them. 

John Robinson at Ley den to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth: 

My loving and much beloved friend, whom God has hitherto pre- 
served, preserve and keep you still to His glory and the good of 
many that His blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours 
equal to the occasion. Of your love, too, and care for us here, we 
have never doubted, and are glad to take full knowledge of it. 
Our love and care to and for you is mutual, though our hopes of 
coming to you are small, and weaker than ever. But of this at 
large in Mr. Brewster's letter, with whom you mutually communi- 
cate your letters, I know, as I desire you may do these, etc. 

Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard 
at first by rumour, and since by more definite report, oh ! how 
happy a thing had it been if you had converted some, before you 
had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is 
seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved 
it. I grant it; but upon what provocation from those heathenish 
Christians?* Besides, you not being magistrates over them, had to 
consider not what punishment they deserved, but what you were by 
necessity constrained to inflict. Necessity of killing so many I 

*Mr. Weston's men. 



I 



140 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

cannot see. Methinks one or two principals should have been 
enough, according to the approved rule, — the punishment to a few, 
and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bold to exhort 
you seriously to consider the disposition of your Captain, whom I 
love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercy and for much good 
has sent to you, if you use him right. He is a man humble and 
meek among you, and towards all, under ordinary circumstances, 
but if this merely come from a humane spirit, there is cause to 
fear that, on occasions of special provocation there may be wanting 
that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's image, which 
is meet. It is also apt to be more glorious in men's eyes, than 
pleasing in God's, or fit for Christians, to be a terror to poor bar- 
barous peoples; and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example, others 
should be drawn to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the world. I 
doubt not that you will take in good part these things that I write, 
and if there is cause make use of them. We wish we were present, 
to communicate our mutual help ; but seeing that cannot be done, 
we shall always long after you, and love you, and wait God's 
appointed time. The adventurers, it seems, have neither money to 
send us, nor any great mind for us, for the most part. They deny 
it to be any part of the agreement between us that they should 
transport us, nor do I look for any further help from them till 
means come from you. My wife with me, re-salutes you and yours. 
Unto Him Who is the same to His in all places, and near to them 
which are far from one another, I commend you, and all with you, 
resting, 

Yours truly loving, 

JOHN ROBINSON. 
Leyden, Dec. igth, 1623. 

John Robinson at Leyden to William Brewster at New Plymouth: 

Loving and dear friend and brother. 

What I most desired of God for you, namely, the continuance of 
your life and health, and the safe coming of those sent to you, I 
most gladly hear of, and praise God for it; and I hope Mrs. 
Brewster's weak state of health will be somewhat repaired by the 
coming of her daughters, and the provisions sent in this and former 
ships, which makes us here bear more patiently the deferring of 
our desired transportation. I call it desired, rather than hoped for: 
for first, there is no hope at all, that I know or can conceive of, of 
any new stock being raised for that purpose; so that everything 
must depend upon returns from you, which are surrounded by so 
many uncertainties. Besides, though for the present the adventurers 
;Jlege nothing but want of money, which is an invincible obstacle, 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 141 

still if that be removed by yoii, other difficulties will be raised to 
take its place. In order to understand this better, we must divide 
the adventurers under three heads. Of these some five or six (as 
I believe) are absolutely in favour of us, before all; another five 
or six are openly our bitter adversaries ; the rest— the main body,— 
are I believe, honest minded, and friendly tow^ards us; but they have 
other friends (namely, the forward preachers) nearer to them than 
we are, whose interests, in so far as they conflict with ours, they 
would rather advance than ours. Now what a pull these men have 
with the professors, you know ; and I am convinced that they, of all 
others, are unwilling I should be transported ; especially such of 
them as have an eye that way themselves, fearing that if I go there, 
their market will be marred in many respects. As for these ad- 
versaries, if they have but half as much wit as malice, they will 
stop my going as soon as they see it is intended; and as one restive 
jade can hinder, by hanging back, more than two or three can draw 
forward, so it will be in this case. A clear proof of this they gave 
in your messenger's presence, binding the company to promise that 
none of the money now subscribed should be expended to help any 
of us over to you. 

Now as to the question propounded by you: I judge it not lawTiil 
for you, — a ruling elder (Rom. xii, 7, 8; and I Tim. v, 17), as dis- 
tinct from the elders that teach and exhort and labour in the word 
and doctrine, in whose duties the sacraments are included, to ad- 
minister them, — nor fitting, if it were lawful. Whether any learned 
man will come out to you, I do not know; if so, you must Con- 
silium capere in arena. Be you most heartily saluted, and your wife 
with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the 
God of all His, bring us together if it be His will, and keep us in 
the mean while, and always to His glory, and make us serviceable 
to His majesty and faithful to the end. Amen. 

Your very loving brother, 

JOHN ROBINSON. 
Leyden, Dec. 20th, 1623. 



These matters premised, I vi^ill now proceed with my 
account of affairs here. But before I come to other things 
I must say a word about their planting this year. They felt 
the benefit of their last year's harvest ; for by planting corn 
on their own account they managed, with a great deal of 
patience, to overcome famine. This reminds me of a saying 
of Seneca's (Epis. 123) : that an important part of liberty 



142 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

is a well-governed belly, and patience in want. The settlers 
now began to consider corn more precious than silver; and 
those that had some to spare began to trade with the others 
for small things, by the quart, pottle, and peck, etc. ; for they 
had no money, and if they had, com was preferred to it. In 
order that they might raise their crops to better advantage, 
they made suit to the Governor to have some land appor- 
tioned for pennanent holdings, and not by yearly lot, 
whereby the plots which the more industrious had brought 
under good culture one year, would change hands the next, 
and others would reap the advantage; with the result that 
the manuring and culture of the land were neglected. It 
was well considered, and their request was granted. Every 
person was given one acre of land, for them and theirs, and 
they were to have no more till the seven years had expired ; 
it was all as near the town as possible, so that they might 
be kept close together, for greater safety and better atten- 
tion to the general employments. This often makes me 
think of what Pliny (lib. i8, cap. 2) says of the Romans' 
first beginnings in the time of Romulus — how everyone 
contented himself with two acres of land, and had no more 
assigned to them; and (cap. 3) how it was thought a great 
public reward to receive a pint of corn from the people of 
Rome. And long after, the most generous present given to 
a Captain who had won a victory over their enemies, was as 
much ground as he could till in one day; in fact a man 
was not considered a good but a dangerous citizen, who was 
not content with seven acres of land ; also how they used to 
pound their corn in mortars, as the settlers were forced to 
do for many years, until they got a mill. 

The ship which brought these supplies was speedily un- 
loaded, and, with her captain and crew was sent out fishing 
to Cape Ann, where they had got a patent, as mentioned 
above. As the season was so far advanced, some of the 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 143 

planters were sent to help to build the landing stage, to their 
own hindrance. Partly owing to the lateness of the year, 
and more especially to the bad character of the captain, one 
Baker, they made a poor voyage of it. Pie proved a very 
drunken beast, and did little but drink and guzzle and con- 
sume time and victuals, most of tlie crew following his 
example ; and though Mr. William Pierce was superintend- 
ing the business and was to captain the ship home, he could 
do no good amongst them. The loss was great, and would 
have been more, but that they did some trade for skins, 
which was a help to them. 

The ship-builder who had been sent out to the colony was 
an honest and very industrious man. He and his assistants 
quickly built two good strong shallops, which afterwards did 
them great service, and a strong lighter; and he had hewn 
timber for two catches, when he fell sick with fever in the 
hot season of the year, and though he had the best attention 
the place could afford, he died. He was a very great loss, 
and they were very sorry for his death. 

But the man sent out to make salt was an ignorant, fool- 
ish, self-willed fellow. He boasted that he could do great 
things in making salt-works ; so he was sent to seek out fit 
ground for the purpose ; and after some search he told the 
Governor that he had found a suitable place, with a good 
bottom to hold water, and otherwise very convenient, which 
he doubted not, in a short time could be brought to per- 
fection, and yield them great profit ; but he must have eight 
or ten men constantly employed. He was requested to make 
sure the ground was good, and otherwise suitable, and that 
he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would incur 
great expense by employing himself and so many men. But 
he was, after some trial, so confident, that he caused them 
to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house, 
to receive the salt, and for other uses. But in the end it 



144 BRADFORD'S HISTORYIOP 

all proved useless. So he found fault with the ground, in 
which he said he had been mistaken; but if he might have 
the lighter to carry clay, he was sure he could do it. Now, 
though the Governor and some others saw that this would 
come to little good, they had so many malignant spirits 
amongst them who, in their letters to the adventurers, would 
have blamed them for not letting him bring his work to per- 
fection; and the man himself, who by his bold confidence 
and large promises had deceived the adventurers in Eng- 
land, had so wound himself into the high esteem of some 
here, that they decided to let him go on till everyone saw his 
vanity. In the end all he could do was to boil salt in pans, 
and yet tried to make those who worked with him believe 
there was a great mystery in it, and used to make them do 
unnecessary things as a blind, until they saw through his 
deception. The next year he was sent to Cape Ann, and 
the pans were set up where the fishing was ; but before the 
summer was out he had burnt the house, and the fire was 
so fierce that it spoiled the pans, — at least some of them; 
and this was the end of that expensive business. 

The third person of importance mentioned in the letters 
was the minister whom they sent over, by name Mr. John 
Lyford, of whom and whose doings I must be more lengthy, 
though I will abridge as much as I can. When this man 
first came ashore, he saluted them with such reverence and 
humility as is seldom to be seen; indeed he made them 
ashamed, he so bowed and cringed to them, and would have 
kissed their hands if they had allowed him. He wept and 
shed many tears, blessing God Who had brought him to see 
their faces, admiring what they had done in their need, as if 
he had been made all of love and was the humblest person 
in the world. And all the while (if we may judge by his 
after-behaviour) he was only like him mentioned in Psalm 
X, 10 : who croucheth and boweth> that heaps of poor may 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 145 

fall by his might. Or like that dissembling Ishmael (Jer. 
xli, 6), who, when he had slain Gedelia, went out weeping, 
and met them who were coming to offer incense in the house 
of the Lord, saying: Come to Gedelia — when he meant to 
slay them. 

They gave him the best entertainment they could in all 
simplicity, and a larger allowance of food out of the store 
than any other had; and as the Governor in all weighty 
affairs had consulted their elder, Mr. Brewster, and his 
assistants, so now he called Mr. Lyford, too, to the council 
with them, on the most important matters. After a short 
time he desired to become a member of the church here, 
and was accordingly received. He made a large confession 
of his faith, and an acknowledgment of his former dis- 
orderly walking, and his being entangled with many cor- 
ruptions which had been a burden to his conscience and 
blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and liberty to 
enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among His people, 
with many similar expressions. 

I must speak here a word, too, of Mr. John Oldham, who 
joined him in his after courses. He had been a chief stick- 
ler in the former faction among the private settlers, and an 
intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the com- 
ing of the ship with supplies he opened his mind to some of 
the chief members here, and confessed that he had done 
them wrong both by word and deed in writing thus to 
England; that he now saw the eminent hand of God was 
with them, which made his heart smite him ; and he assured 
them that his friends in England should never use him 
against them again. He begged them that former things 
might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as 
one who desired to support them in every way, — and such 
like expressions. Whether this was hypocrisy or some 
sudden pang of conviction (which I rather think), God only 



146 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

knows. However, they at once showed themselves ready to 
embrace him in all friendliness, and called him to the council 
with them, on all the chief affairs without any distrust at 
all. 

Thus everything seemed to go very comfortably and 
smoothly amongst them, at which they rejoiced. But it did 
not last long, for both Oldham and Lyford grew perverse, 
and showed a spirit of great malignancy, drawing as many 
into faction as they could. No matter how vile or profane, 
they backed the delinquents in all they did so long as they 
would but uphold them and speak against the church here ; 
so that there was nothing but private meetings and whisper- 
ings amongst them. Thus they fed themselves and others 
with what they would accomplish in England through their 
friends there, bringing others as well as themselves into a 
fool's paradise. However, they could not be so secret but 
that much of their doings and sayings was discovered; 
though outwardly they still showed a fair face. 

At length, when the ship was ready to go, it was dis- 
covered that Lyford was long in writing, and sent many 
letters and could not forbear to communicate with his in- 
timates such things therefrom as made them laugh in their 
sleeves, thinking he had done their errands satisfactorily. 
The Governor and some of his friends, knowing how mat- 
ters stood in England, and what harm this might do, took a 
shallop and went out with the ship a league or two to sea, 
and called for Lyford's and Oldham's letters. Mr. William 
Pierce being captain of the ship, and knowing well the 
mischief they made both here and in England, afforded 
them all the assistance he could. He found above twenty of 
Lyford's letters, many of them long and full of slanders and 
false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice but 
even aiming at their ruin. ]\Iost of the letters they let pass, 
but took copies of them; of some they sent true copies and 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 147 

kept the originals, lest he should deny that he had written 
them. Amongst them they found copies of two which he 
sent enclosed in a letter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a 
minister, and a great opponent of theirs. Of these two 
letters of which he had taken the copies, one of them was 
written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster, the 
other by Mr. Winslow to Air. John Robinson in Holland, at 
his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravesend. They were 
lying sealed in the main cabin ; and whilst Mr. Winslow was 
busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly mischief-maker 
opens them, makes copies, and seals them up again; and 
not only sends the copies to his friend and their adversary, 
but adds in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annota- 
tions ! 

The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the 
Governor returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but 
after some weeks, as they heard nothing, they were as brisk 
as ever, thinking nothing was known, and all had gone well 
for them, and that the Governor had only gone to despatch 
his own letters. The reason why the Governor and the rest 
took no steps at once was in order to let things ripen so that 
they might the better discover their intention and see who 
.were their adherents ; for, amongst others they had found a 
letter from one of their confederates, stating that Mr. Old- 
ham and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and 
commonwealth, and that as soon as the ship was gone, they 
intended to join together and have the sacraments, etc. 

As for Oldham, few of his letters were found, for he was 
so bad a scribe that his hand was scarcely legible ; but he 
was as deeply involved as the other. So, thinking they 
were now strong enough, they began to pick quarrels at 
everything. Oldham being told off to stand watch accord- 
ing to order, refused to come, calling the captain a beggarly 
rascal, resisting him, and drawing his knife on him, though 



148 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

he had done hhii no wrong nor spoken to him improperly, 
but had merely required him with all fairness to do his 
duty. The Governor, hearing the tumult, sent to quiet it; 
but Oldham ramped more like a furious beast than a man, 
and called them all traitors, and rebels, and other such foul 
language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he had 
been clapped up awhile, he came to himself, and with some 
slight punishment was let go upon his behaviour, pending 
further censure. 

But to cut things short, at length It came to this, that 
Lyford with his accomplices, without speaking one word to 
either the Governor, the Church, or the elder, withdrew 
themselves, and held a separate public meeting on the Lord's 
day; and with many such insolent doings, too long to relate 
here, began to act publicly what they had been plotting 
privately. It was thought high time to prevent further mis- 
chief by calling them to account; so the Governor called a 
court, and summoned the whole company to appear, and 
charged Lyford and Oldham with their guilt. But they 
were stubborn, and resolutely denied the charges, and re- 
quired proof. The court first alleged that from what had 
been written to them from England, and from their prac- 
tises here, it was evident they were plotting against them, 
and disturbing the peace, both in respect of their civil and 
church estate, which was most injurious to the colony; 
for both they and all the world knew that they had come 
here to enjoy liberty of conscience and the free use of God's 
ordinances, and for that end had ventured their lives and 
had already passed through so much hardship; and they 
and their friends had borne the expense of these beginnings, 
which was not small. They pointed out that Lyford for his 
part was sent over at their expense, and that both he and his 
large family were maintained by them ; that he had joined 
the church, and was a member of it ; and for him to plot 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 149 

against them and seek their ruin, was most unjust and per- 
fidious. As for Oldham, or any one who came over at his 
own expense, and were on tlieir own resources, they had 
been received in courtesy by the plantation, coming to seek 
shelter and protection under its wings, being unable to stand 
alone; but as the hedghog in the fable, whom the coney on 
a stormy day invited in pity into her burrow, would not be 
content to share it with her, but in the end with her sharp 
pricks forced the poor coney out, so these men, with similar 
injustice, endeavoured to do the like by those who enter- 
tained them. 

Lyford denied that he had anything to do with the people 
in England, or knew their plans, and pretended similar 
ignorance of the other charges. Then his letters were pro- 
duced and some of them read, at which he was struck dumb. 
But Oldham began to rage furiously, that they had inter- 
cepted and opened the letters. Threatening them in very 
high language, he stood up and in a most audacious and 
mutinous manner called upon the people, saying, — My 
masters, where are your hearts? Now show your courage; 
you have often complained to me so and so ; now is the time; 
if you will do anything, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking 
that everyone who, knowing his humour, had soothed and 
flattered him, or otherwise in a moment of discontent 
uttered anything to him, would now side with him in open 
rebellion. But he was disappointed ; not a man opened his 
mouth, for all were struck silent by the injustice of the 
thing. 

Then the Governor turned to Mr. Lyford, and asked him 
if they thought he had done wrong to open his letters ; but 
he was silent and dare not say a word, knowing well what 
they might reply. Then the Governor explained to the 
people that he had done it as a magistrate, and was bound 
to do it to prevent the mischief and ruin that this con- 



150 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

spiracy and plot of theirs might otherwise have brought to 
the colony. But Lyford, besides his misbehaviour here, had 
dealt treacherously with his friends that trusted him, and 
stole their letters, and opened them, and sent copies of them 
with disgraceful annotations to his friends in England. 
Then the Governor produced them and his other letters 
under his own hand, which he could not deny, and had them 
read before all the people: at which all his friends were 
blank, and had not a word to say. 

It would be too long and tedious to insert his letters here 
— they would almost till a volume — though I have them by 
me. I shall only note a few of the chief things from them, 
with the answers to them as they were then given, as 
instances. 

1. He said that the church desired that no one should live here 
except its members ; nor would anyone willingly do so, if they had 
but company with which to live elsewhere. 

Ans : Their answer was that this was false, in both its parts ; for 
they were willing and desirous that any honest men should live with 
them, who would behave peaceably, and seek the common good, — 
or at least do them no harm ; and that there were many who would 
not live elsewhere, so long as they were permitted to live with them. 

2. That if any honest men came over who were not dissenters, 
they soon disliked them, etc. 

Ans : Their answer was as before, that it was a calumny, for 
they had many amongst them whom they liked well, and were glad 
of their company; and should be of any such who came to them. 

3. That they took exception to him for these two doctrines from 
II Sam. xii, 7. First, that ministers must sometimes apply their 
teaching in particular to special persons; secondly, that great men 
may be reproved as well as humble. 

Ans : Their answer was that both these charges were without 
truth or colour of truth — as was proved to his face — and that they 
had taught and believed this long before they knew Mr. Lyford. 

4. That they tried to ruin the private settlers, as was proved by 
this : they would not allow any of the colony either to buy or sell 
with them, or to exchange one commodity for another. 

Ans : This was a most audacious slander, and void of all truth as 
was proved to him before ^all, for any of them bought, sold or 



THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEMENT 151 

exchanged with them as often as they pleased— and also both lent 
and gave to them, when they wanted ; and this the private settlers 
themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But 
the ground whence this slander arose made it much worse; for he 
was at the council with them, when a man was called before them, 
and was questioned for receiving powder and biscuit out of the 
company's supplies from the gunner of the small ship, which he had 
arranged should be put in at his window in the night ; and also for 
buying salt of one who had no right to it. Lyford not only backed 
this defaulter — who was one of these private settlers — by excusing 
and extenuating him ; but upon this ground he built this mischievous 
and false slander; that because they would not suffer a private 
settler to buy stolen goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruin : Bad 
logic for a divine ! 

5. Next he accused them of forcing men to become private 
settlers, on their own resources, and then seeking to starve them, 
and deprive them of all means of subsistence. 

Ans: To this it was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for 
they had turned none upon their own resources who had not of 
their own importunity and earnest desire urged and constrained 
them to do it They appealed to the persons themselves for the 
truth of it, and they testified against him before all present, and 
that they had no cause to complain of any hard or unkind usage. 

6. He accused them with unjust distribution, and wrote that it 
seemed strange that some should be allowed l6 lbs. of meal per 
week, and others only 4 lbs. And then adds floutingly: it seems 
that some men's bellies and mouths are very little and slender 
compared with others ! 

Ans : This might seem incomprehensible to those to whom he 
wrote his letters in England, and who did not knov/ the reason for 
it; but to him and others it was well understood. The first comers 
had no allowance at all, but lived on their own corn. Those who 
came in the Anne the August before, and had to live thirteen 
months on the provisions they brought, had as good an allowance of 
meal and peas as would go round. A little while before harvest, 
when fish and fruits were to be got, they had only 4 lbs., being at 
liberty to make their ov/n provisions in addition. But some of 
those who came last, such as the ship-buUder, the salt men, and 
others who were to follow constant employment and had not an 
hour's time from their labour to provide food besides their allow- 
ance, — such workers had at first 16 lbs. allowed them, and after- 
wards, when fish and other food could be got, they had 14 lbs., 12 
lbs., or some of them 8 lbs., as occasion required. But those who 
had time to plant corn for themselves, even though they received 
but 4 lbs. of meal a week from the store, lived better than the 



152 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

others, as was well known. And it must be remembered that Ly- 
ford and his family had always the highest allowance. 

He accused them of many other things in his letters such 
as of great waste of tools and utensils — though he knew 
that an honest man was appointed to look after these very- 
things ; and of this, when it came to be examined, all the 
instances he could give was, that he had seen an old hogs- 
head or two fall to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left care- 
lessly in the fields. But he had written such things as these 
to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them thinking that what 
came from a minister would pass for true. He told them 
that Winslow had said that there were not above seven of 
the adventurers who sought the good of the colony; and 
he ended by saying that the faction here matched the Jesuits 
for cunning. 

Finally he gave his friends advice and directions : 

1. First, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) 
must still be kept back, or all would be spoiled. Lest any of them 
should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, as 
was to be feared, they must change the captain of the ship (Mr. 
William Pierce), and put someone else in Winslow's place as 
agent, or it could not be prevented. 

2. He would have such further settlers shipped over as would 
out-number those here; the private settlers should have votes in 
all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office; and every 
private settler should come over as an adventurer, even if he be 
only a servant, someone else investing the necessary £io, the bill 
being taken out in the servant's name, and then assigned to the 
party whose money it was, proper agreements being drawn between 
them for the purpose. These things, said he, would be the means 
of strengthening the private settlers. 

3. He told them that if that Captain they spoke of came over to 
take command, he was sure he would be elected, for "this Captain 
Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt." 

4. Then he argued that if by the aforementioned means they 
could not get control, it would be better to settle elsewhere by 
themselves, choosing the place they liked best within three or four 
miles, and showing that there were far better places for a settle- 
ment than this. ^ 



THE PLY^IOUTH SETTLE3,IENT 153 

5. Lastly, he concluded tliat if neither of these thing were ac- 
complished, they must join the main body here, perforce. Then he 
added : "Since I began to write, some letters have come from your 
company, giving sole authority in various things lo the Governor 
here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will 
be more vigilant hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner. 
I suppose Mr. Oldham will write to j'ou further about these things. 
I pray you conceal me as the source of these disclosures, etc." 

I have thus briefly touched some things in his letters and 
shall now return to their proceedings with him. After read- 
ing his letters before the whole company, he was demanded 
what he could say in defence. But all the answer he made 
was that Billington and some others had informed him of 
many things, and had made sundry complaints, — which they 
now denied. He was asked if that was sufficient ground 
for him thus to accuse them and traduce them by letter, 
never saying a word to his colleagues of the council. And 
so they went on from point to point, and demanded that 
neither he nor his confederates should spare them, if they 
had any proof or witness of wrong doing on their part. He 
said he had been misinformed, and so had wronged them. 
And this was all the answer they could get ; for none would 
take his part, and Billington and others whom he named 
denied his statements and protested he wronged them, and 
that, on the other hand, he would have drawn them to such 
and such things, which they had declined to do, though they 
had sometimes attended his meetings. Then they taxed him 
with dissembling about the church, professing to concur 
with them in everything; and with the large confession he 
made at his admittance, not considering himself a minister 
till he had a new calling, etc. Yet now he separated himself 
from them, and drew a number away and would administer 
the sacraments by his episcopal calling, without ever speak- 
ing a word to them, either as magistrates or as colleagues. 
In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and, bursting into 



154 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

tears, confessed: he feared he was a reprobate; his sins 
were so great he doubted if God would pardon them; he was 
unsavoury salt, etc. ; he had so wronged them that he could 
never make amends, confessing all that he wrote against 
them was false and empty, both in matter and manner — 
and all this as completely as words and tears could express. 

After their trial and conviction the court censured them 
to be expelled the place; Oldham at once, though his wife 
and family had leave to stay all the winter, or longer, till 
he could make provision to remove them comfortably. Ly- 
ford had leave to stay six months, — with some eye to remis- 
sion of the sentence if he behaved himself well in the mean- 
time, and his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowl- 
edged his censure was far less than he deserved. 

Afterwards he confessed his sin publicly, with tears, in 
the church, more fully than before. I shall here record it, 
taken down in his own words. He acknowledged that he 
had done very evil, and had slanderously abused them. He 
had thought that most of the people would take part with 
him, and he would carry all with a strong hand against 
them; that God might justly lay innocent blood to his 
charge, for he knew what harm might have come of his 
writings, and blessed God they were intercepted. He had 
listened to any evil tliat was spoken, but shut his eyes and 
ears against all good ; and if God should make him a vaga- 
bond on the earth, as was Cain, it was but just; for he had 
sinned in envy and malice against his brethren. He con- 
fessed three things to be the cause of his doings : pride, 
vainglory, and self-love — amplifying these generalities with 
many other sad expressions in particular. 

They began to conceive well of him again after his 
repentance, and admitted him to preach amongst them as 
before; and Samuel Fuller, a deacon, and some other ten- 
der-hearted men amongst them, were so .taken in by his 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 155 

signs of sorrow and repentance, that they said they would 
fall upon their knees to have his sentence repealed. 

But what amazed them all in the end, and will amaze 
all others who come to hear of it, — for a rarer precedent 
can hardly be shown, — was, tliat after a month or two 
notwithstanding all his former convictions, confessions, and 
public acknowledgments, both in the face of the church 
and the whole company, with so many sad tears and cen- 
sures of himself before God and man, he should try again 
to justify what he had done. 

For he secretly wrote a second letter to the adventurers 
in England, in which he justified all his former writings, — 
except as regards some things in v/hich he had disparged 
them, — which, as it is briefer than the former, I will here 
insert : 

John Lyford at Nczv Plymouth to the Adventurers in England: 

Worthy Sirs, 

Though the filth of my own doings may justly be cast in my face, 
and with blushing cause my perpetual silence, yet that the truth may 
not hereby be injured, yourselves any longer deluded, nor injurious 
dealings be continued, with bold out-facings I have ventured once 
more to write to you. First I freely confess I dealt very indis- 
creetly in some of my particular letters which I wrote to private 
friends, concerning the motives in coming here and the like, which 
I do not seek to justify, though I was stirred up to it by seeing the 
indiscreet courses of others, both here and with you there, for 
effecting their designs. But I am heartily sorry for it, and do 
to the glory of God and my own shame acknowledge it. The said 
letters having been intercepted by the Governor, I am imder sen- 
tence of banishment; and but for the respect I have for you, and 
some private matters, I should have returned by the pinnace to 
England, for here I do not intend to remain, unless I receive better 
encouragement from you than from the church (as they call them- 
selves) here. I expected to undergo some hardships before I came, 
so I shall try cheerfully to bear with the conditions of the place, 
though they are very poor; and they have changed my wages ten 
times already. I suppose my letters, — or at least copies of them, — • 
came into your hands, as they here report. If so, pray take notice 



156 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

of this : that I have written nothing but what is certainly true, and 
could prove it to any indifferent man. My object was not to make 
myself important, but to help several poor souls here, the care of 
whom in part belongs to you, and who are destitute of the means of 
salvation. The church itself is well provided for, the members 
forming the minority of the colony, and monopolizing the ministry, 
believing that the Lord has not appointed any ministry for the 
conversion of those outside the church, so that some of the poor 
souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was censured 
for preaching to all in general ; though, in reality, they have had no 
ministry here since they came, but such as might be performed by 
any of you, whatever pretences they make; but they equivocate 
about this, as about many other things. But I exceed the bounds I 
set myself ; therefore, awaiting further from you, if it come within 
the time limited me, I rest, etc. 

Remaining yours ever, 

JOHN LYFORD, Exile. 
Aug. 22nd, 1624. 



They made brief answer to some things in this letter, 
but referred chiefly to their former one to this effect : That 
if God in His providence had not brought all this to their 
notice, they might have been traduced, abused, calumniated, 
overthrown, and undone; and never have known by whom 
or for what. They desired but this just favour; that the 
adventurers would be pleased to hear their defence, as well 
as his accusations, and weigh them in the balance of justice 
and reason, and then censure as they pleased. 

I have been longer on this subject than I desired, but not 
longer than was necessary. But I will revert to other things. 

To return to the pinnace left sunk near Damariscove. 
Some of the fishing-boats' captains said it was a pity that so 
fine a vessel should be lost, and sent them word that if they 
would bear the expense, they would show them how to float 
her, and let them have their carpenters to mend her. They 
thanked them, and sent men for the purpose and beaver to 
defray the cost. So they got coopers to trim I know not 
how many tons of casks, and having made them tight and 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 157 

fastened them to her at low water, they buoyed her up, and 
hauled her ashore with many hands in a convenient place 
where she could be worked at; and then set several car- 
penters to work at her, and others to saw planks, and at last 
fitted her, and got her home. But it cost a great deal of 
money to recover her, and to buy rigging and sails for her, 
both now and when she lost her mast before ; so she proved 
an expensive vessel to the poor plantation. So they sent 
her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter in great 
secrecy ; but the party entrusted with it gave it to the Gov- 
ernor. 

The winter passed in their ordinary pursuits, without any 
special matter wortii noting, — except that many who before 
stood somewhat aloof from the church, now seeing Lyford's 
unjust dealing and malignity, came forward and were made 
members, stating that it was not out of dislike of anything 
that they had stood off so long, but a desire to fit themselves 
better for such a state ; and that they now saw that the Lord 
called for their help. 

And so these troubles produced an effect on several here 
quite contrary to what their adversaries had hoped; and it 
was recognized as a great work of God, to draw men to him 
by unlikely means, and such as, in reason, might have been 
calculated to alienate them. And thus I shall end this year. 



CHAPTER VI 

Oldham and Lyford expelled — Lyford's Past — Reply of 
Settlement to Adventurers' Charges — Support from friendly 
gi'oup of Adventurers — Loss of two ship-loads of cargo-^ 
Captain Staudish in England: 1G25. 

At the spring of the year, about the time of their elec- 
tions, Oldham came back again, and, though his sentence 
forbade his return without obtaining leave, his effrontery 
and the ill counsel of others led him to ignore it, and at the 
same time to give rein to his unruly passion beyond all 
reason and decency, so that some strangers who came with 
him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him, but 
all reproofs were but as oil to the fire, and enflamed his 
anger the more. He called them all good-for-nothings, and 
a hundred rebels and traitors, and I know not what. So 
they locked him up till he was tamer, and then he was made 
to pass down a line of guards, each of whom was ordered to 
give him a thump on the breech with the butt-end of his 
musket. Then he was conveyed to the water-side, where a 
boat was ready to take him away, and they bid him go and 
mend his manners. 

Whilst this was going on Mr. William Pierce and Mr. 
Winslow came up from the shore, having arrived from 
England ; but the others were so busy with Oldham that 
they never saw them until they thus came upon tliem. They 
told them not to spare either him or Lyford, for both had 
behaved villainously. But to make an end of Oldham I will 
here briefly relate what befell him in the future. After the 
removal of his family, he encountered difficulties and about 

153 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 159 

a year afterwards, towards winter, he sailed for Virginia; 
but it pleased God that the ship was in great danger, and he 
and the other passengers despaired of life, many resorting 
to prayer and the examination of tlieir consciences and con- 
fession of such sins as burdened them. Mr. Oldham then 
made a free and ample confession of the wrongs he had 
done to the people and the church here saying that, as he 
had sought their ruin, so God had now met with him and 
might destroy him ; aye, and he feared they all fared worse 
on account of his presence. He prayed God to forgive him, 
and made vows that if the Lord spared his life, he would 
repent. This I learned by reliable report of some who are 
still living at the Bay, and themselves shared the dangers 
of the shoals of Cape Cod and heard his very words. It 
pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their 
voyage ; and ever after Oldham behaved decently to them, 
acknowledging the hand of God to be with them. He 
seemed to respect them honestly, and so far made his 
peace with them that after a time he had liberty to come and 
go at his pleasure. He went afterwards to Virginia, and 
there fell very ill ; but he recovered and came back again to 
his family at the Bay, and lived there till many people had 
come over. At length, going trading in a small vessel among 
the Indians, and being weakly manned, upon some quarrel 
they knocked him on the head with a hatchet, so that he fell 
down dead and never spoke again. Two little boys that 
were related to him were saved, though injured, and the 
vessel was recovered from the Indians by another inhabitant 
of the Bay of Massachusetts. Oldham's death was in fact 
one cause of the subsequent Pequot war. 

Now as to Mr. Lyford. His time having expired, his 
sentence was to be carried out. He was so far from ful- 
filling their hopes of amendment, that he had doubled his 
pffence, as shown. But behold the hand o£ God upon him. 



160 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

wherein the Psalmist is verified (Psa. vii, 15) : He hath 
made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the pit he made. 
He thought to bring disgrace upon them but instead he dis- 
closes his own shame to all the world. When he was con- 
fronted with his second letter, his wife was so stirred by his 
doings that she could no longer conceal her grief, and 
opened her mind to one of the deacons and some of her 
friends, and later to Mr. Pierce, on his arrival. She said 
that she feared some great judgment of God would fall upon 
the family, because of her husband ; and now that they were 
about to remove she feared she would fall into the Indians' 
hands and be defiled by them as he had defiled other women, 
recalling God's threatened judgment upon David (II Sara, 
xii, 11): I will raise up evil against thee out of thine 
own house, and will take thy wives before thine eyes, 
and give them unto thy neighbour. Then she disclosed 
how he had wronged her, and that he had a bastard by 
another woman before they were married. She had had 
some inkling of it when he was courting her, and told him 
what she had heard rumoured ; but he not only stiffly denied 
it, but to satisfy her took a solemn oath ; so she consented to 
marry him. Afterwards she found it was true, and re- 
minded him of his oath; but he prayed her to pardon him, 
and pleaded that otherwise he would not have v/on her. 
And yet even after this she could keep no maid-servant but 
he would be meddling with them, and sometimes she had 
taken him in the act. The woman was a respectable matron, 
of good behaviour all the while she was here, and spoke out 
of the sorrow of her heart, sparingly, but circumstantially. 
What seemed to affect her most was his easy repentances, 
followed by a speedy return to the old paths. 

This was all borne out by the reports of Mr. Winslow 
and Mr. Pierce on their return. Mr. Winslow informed 
them that they had had the same trouble with Lyford's 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 161 

friends in England as with himself and his friends here, — • 
his adherents crying out that to deal thus with a minister 
and a godly man was a great scandal, and threatening to 
prosecute them for it. So it was all referred to a further 
meeting of most of the adventurers there, who agreed to 
choose two eminent men as arbitrators. Lyford's faction 
chose Mr. White, a counsellor at law ; the others chose the 
Rev. Mr. Hooker, the minister. In the meantime God in 
His providence had disclosed Lyford's evil career in Ireland 
to some friends of the company, who made it known to Mr. 
Winslow, and mentioned two godly witnesses who would 
testify upon their oath. The fact was, that when Lyford 
was in Ireland, he had wound himself into the esteem of 
several worthy reformers, who, burdened with the cere- 
monies in England, found greater liberty of conscience there. 
Amongst them were the two men who gave evidence ; and 
amongst others there was an honest young man who intended 
to marry, and had set his affection on a certain girl who lived 
there. But preferring the fear of God to all other things, 
before he suffered his affection to run too far he resolved 
to take Mr. Lyford's advice and judgment about the girl, — 
since he was the minister of the place, — and so spoke of it 
to him. He promised to inform him faithfully, but wished 
to get to know her better first, and have some private talk 
with her. In conclusion he recommended her highly to the 
young man as a very fit wife for him. So they were mar- 
ried. But some time afterwards the woman was much 
troubled in mind and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing 
but weep and mourn; and it was long before her husband 
could find out the cause. But at length she told him, — 
praying him to forgive her, — that Lyford had overcome her 
and defiled her before marriage. The circumstances I for- 
bear; suffice it, that though he satisfied his lust upon her, he 
endeavoured to hinder conception. The young husband then 



162 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

took some godly friends with him to confront Lyford with 
this charge. At length he confessed it with a great deal of 
seeming repentance and sorrow, but he was forced to leave 
Ireland, partly for shame and partly for fear of further 
punishment; and so, coming to England, unhappily he was 
hit upon as a suitable minister for the colony and sent out to 
them. The arbitrators with great gravity declared that his 
recent offences there gave them cause enough to deal with 
him as they had done ; but these disclosures made him unfit 
ever to bear ministry any more, what repentance soever he 
should pretend. 

From here Lyford went to Nantasket, on the Bay of the 
Massachusetts, where Oldham lived with some of his 
friends. Thence he removed to Naumkeag, since called 
Salem ; but later, whether for hope of greater profit or what 
I know not, he forsook the friends who had stuck to him, 
and went down to Virginia, where shortly after he died; 
and so I leave him to the Lord. His wife afterwards re- 
turned to this country; thus much of this matter. 

Though the storm had blown over, the effects which 
followed it were serious ; for the company of adventurers 
broke up in consequence, and the majority wholly deserted 
the colony as regards any further supplies. Furthermore, 
some of Lyford's and Oldham's friends fitted out a fishing 
ship on their own account, and arriving ahead of the ships 
that came to the plantation, took away their dock and other 
necessary preparations that they had made for their fishing 
at Cape Ann the year before at great expense and would not 
restore it unless they would fight for it. However, the 
Governor decided to send some of the settlers to help the 
fishermen build a new one, and let them keep it. This fish- 
ing ship also brought Lyford's and Oldham's contingent 
some supplies, but of little value ; but they were unsuccess- 
ful in their fishing, and they could make no return for the 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 163 

supplies sent, so after this year their friends in England 
never looked after them again. 

This ship also brought from some of the adventurers their 
reasons for having abandoned the colony, and offers of re- 
uniting again upon certain conditions. They are long and 
tedious, and most of them have already been touched upon. 

Their answer was in part as follows : 

In charging us with having dissembled with his majesty and the 
adventurers in our original declaration of general agreement with 
the French Reformed Church, you do us wrong, for we both hold 
with and practice the beliefs of the French and other Reformed 
Churches as published in the Harmony of Confessions, according 
to our means, in effect and substance. But in attempting to tie us 
to the French practices in every detail, you derogate from the 
liberty we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paul would have 
none follow him but wherein he followed Christ; much less ought 
any Christian or Church in the world to do so. The French may 
err, we may err, and other C+iurches may err, and doubtless do in 
many circumstances. The honour of infallibility, therefore, belongs 
only to the word of God and the pure testament of Christ, to be 
followed as the only rule and pattern for direction by all Churches 
and Christians. It is great arrogance for any man or Church to 
think that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bot- 
tom as to be able to set down precisely a Church's practices w^ith- 
out error in substance or circumstance, and in such a way that no 
one thereafter may digress or differ from them with impunity. 
Indeed it is not difficult to show that the Reformed Churches differ 
from each other in many details. 

The rest I omit for brevity's sake ; and so leave these men 
and their doings, and return to the rest of the adventurers, 
who were friends of the company and stuck to them. I will 
first insert some of their letters; for I think it best to render 
their minds in their own words : 

Letter to the Colonists at Nezv Plymouth, from the Adventurers in 
England who remained friendly to them: 

To our Loving Friends, etc. 

Though what we feared has happened, and the evil we tried to 
avert has overtaken us, still we cannot forget you or our friend- 



164 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

ship and fellowship of some years' standing, and though its ex- 
pression has been small, our hearty affection towards you, unknown 
by face, has been no less than to our nearest friends or even to 
ourselves. And though your friend Mr. Winslow can tell you the 
state of things here, lest we should seem to neglect you, to whom 
by a wonderful providence of God we are so nearly united, we 
have thought well to write and let you know what has happened 
here and the reasons for it, and our intentions and desires concern- 
ing you for the future. 

The old basis of partnership is entirely dissolved, and we are left 
to bethink ourselves what course to take in the future, that your 
lives and our money be not lost. 

The causes of these alterations are as follows: First and mainly, 
the many losses and crosses at sea and the abuses of sea-men have 
incurred such heavy expenses for us that we could not continue 
without impoverishing ourselves, unless our means had been greater 
and our associates had stuck together. Secondly, there has been 
a faction against you, which, though influenced to abandon you 
mainly for want of money, pretended to charge you with being 
Brownists, etc. But how you or we ought to turn all this to account 
remains to be considered; for we know the hand of God to be in 
all these things, and no doubt lie would admonish us hereby to see 
what is amiss. 

While we ourselves are ready to take every opportunity to further 
so hopeful an enterprise, it must rest with you to put it on its feet 
again. And whatever else may be said, let your honesty and con- 
science remain approved, and lose no jot of your innocence amidst 
your crosses and afflictions ; and surely if you behave j^ourselves 
wisely and go on fairly, you will need no other weapon to wound 
your adversaries ; for when your righteousness is revealed as the 
light, they, who have causelessly sought your overthrow, shall cover 
their faces with shame. 

We think it only right that everything belonging to the common 
stock shall be kept together and increased, rather than dispersed 
for any private ends whatever; and that after your necessities are 
met, you shall send over such commodities as the country affords, to 
pay the debts and clear the engagements here, which amount to not 
less than £1400. Let us all endeavour to keep an honest course, and 
see what time will bring forth, and what God in His providence will 
work for us. We are still convinced that you are the people who 
must make the settlement a success when all others fail and return; 
and your experience of God's providence and preservation of you is 
such that we hope your hearts will not fail you, though your friends 
should forsake you,— which we ourselves will not do whilst we live 
and your honesty of purpose remains unchanged. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 165 

We have sent j^ou some cattle, clothes, stockings, shoes, leather, 
etc. We have consigned them to Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow as 
our agents, at whose discretion they are to be sold in exchange for 
commodities. Go on, good friends, comfortably; pluck up your 
spirits and quit yourselves like men in all your difficulties, that, 
notwithstanding all the threats of men, your good work may con- 
tinue ; for in as much as it is for the glory of God and the good of 
our countrymen, it is a better course for a man to run than to live 
the life of Methuselah in wasting the plenty of a tilled land or 
eating the fruit of a grown tree. 

With hearty salutations to you all, and hearty prayers for you all, 
we lovingly take our leaves, this iSth of Dec, 1624. 

Your assured friends to our power, 

J. S. W. G. T. F. R. H. etc. 



This letter shows the state of affairs of the colony at 
this time. They bought the goods, but at dear rates. 
The adventurers put 40% on them for profit and risk out- 
ward bound; and for risk on the goods sent back in pay- 
ment, homeward bound, they added another 30%, — in all 
70 per cent. This seemed unreasonable to some, and too 
oppressive, considering the case of the purchasers. The 
cattle were most valuable; the other things were neither 
of the best quality nor at the best prices. 

They also sent over two fishing ships on their own ac- 
count. One was the pinnace, which was wrecked the pre- 
vious year here, and saved by the planters, and which, 
after she reached home, was attached by one of the com- 
pany for a private debt, and had now been sent out again 
on his account. The other was a large ship, well fitted, 
wuth an experienced captain and crew of fishermen, to 
make a fishing cruise, and then to go to Bilbao or Sebas- 
tian to sell her fish. The pinnace was ordered to load with 
corfish, and to bring home to England the beaver received 
for the goods sold to the plantation. This big ship was 
well laden with good dry fish, which at market prices would 
have yielded £1800. But as there was a rumour of war 



166 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

with France, the captain feared to carry out his orders, 
and on getting over, put first into Plymouth, and afterwards 
into Portsmouth, and so met with a heavy loss, being 
obliged to sell at lower prices. The pinnace met with no 
better success. She was laden with a cargo of corfish caught 
on the banks, as full as she could float ; and besides she 
had some 800 lbs. of beaver, as well as other furs to a 
good value, from the plantation. The captain seeing so 
much lading, wished to put aboard the bigger ship, for 
greater safety; but as Mr. Winslow, their agent in the busi- 
ness, was bound in a bond of £500 to send it to London in 
the small ship, there was some discussion between the cap- 
tain and him about it. But he told the captain he must 
obey his orders about it, or ignore them at his peril. So 
the furs went in the small ship, and he sent bills of lading 
in both. The captain of the big ship was so careful, both 
vessels being so well-laden, that he towed the small ship 
at his stern all the way over. So they went joyfully home 
together, and had such fine weather that he never cast her 
off till they were well within the England channel, almost 
in sight of Plymouth. But even there she was unhap- 
pily taken by a Turkish man of war, and carried off to 
Sailer, where the captain and crew were made slaves, and 
many of the beaver skins were sold for 46.. a piece. Thus 
all their hopes were dashed, and the joyful news they meant 
to carry home was turned to heavy tidings. Some thought 
this was the hand of God in punishment for their too great 
exaction of the poor colony; but God's judgments are 
unsearchable, nor dare I make bold with them. However, 
it shows us the uncertainty of all human things, and how 
foolish it is to take pleasure in them or trust to them. 

In the big ship Captain Standish was sent over from 
the settlement, with instructions and letters both to their 
friends of the company and to the honourable Council of 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 167 

New England. They requested the company, since they 
only meant to let them have goods for sale, that they 
might have them upon easier terms, as they would never be 
able to bear such high interest or allow so much per cent; 
and that they should send goods which were useful and 
suitable to them. They wished the company to be in- 
formed of the contents of the letter to the Council of New 
England. This letter sought the Council's favour and help, 
and asked that the adventurers who had forsaicen them 
might be brought to order and not keep the colony bound 
while they themselves went free ; and that they might either 
stand by their former agreement, or else reach some fair 
conclusion by dividend or composition. But he arrived 
at a very bad time, for the country was full of trouble, 
and the plague very deadly in London, so that no busi- 
ness could be done. However, he spoke with some of 
the honoured Council, who promised all possible help to 
the colony. Several of the friendly adventurers were so 
reduced by their losses last year, and now by the ship 
taken by the Turks, and the decreased profits on their 
fish, and such multitudes in London were dying weekly 
of the plague, that all trade was dead and little money 
was available; so that with great difficulty he raised £150 
(and spent a good deal of it in expenses) at 50 per cent, 
which he expended on trading goods and such other com- 
modities as he knew they needed. He returned as passenger 
on a fishing ship, having made good preparations for the 
settlement that was afterwards made with the adventurers. 
In the meantime it pleased the Lord to give the planta- 
tion peace and health and contented minds, and so to bless 
their labours that they had sufficient corn, and some to 
spare for others, besides other food. After harvest this 
year, they sent out a boat-load of com 40 or 50 leagues to 
the eastward, up a river called the Kennebec. The boat 



168 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

they sent was one of the two shallops their carpenter had 
built them the year before ; for they had nothing bigger. 
They laid a little deck over her midships to keep the corn 
dry, but the men had to make the best of all weathers with- 
out shelter, — and that time of year it begins to be rough. 
But God preserved them and gave them success. They 
brought home i/oo worth of beaver, besides some other 
furs, having little or nothing else for trading with but this 
corn which they themselves had raised out of the earth. 
This voyage was made by Mr. Winslow and some of the 
old standers, for they had no sailors. 



(CHAPTER Vn 

Standish retiu'ns from England — Death of John Robinson 
and Robert Cushman — Piu'chase of trading goods at Monhegan 
—Isaac AUerton goes to England — Small ship built: 1626. 

About the beginning of April they heard of Captain 
Standish's arrival, and sent a boat to fetch him home with 
the things he had brought. He was welcome; but the 
news he brought was sad in many regards; not only as 
to the losses which their friends had suffered, but also the 
tidings that Mr. John Robinson, their old pastor, was dead, 
which saddened them much and not without cause. Their 
adversaries had been long plotting to hinder his coming 
hither; but the Lord had appointed him a better place. 
An account of his death is given in these few lines written 
to the Governor and Mr. Brewster. 

A letter from Roger White at Leyden to Governor Bradford, 

and William Brewster at New Plymouth: 
Loving and kind Friends, 

I do not know whether this will ever come to your hands, or 
miscarry as my other letters have done. But because of the Lord's 
deahng with us here, I have had a great wish to write to you, 
knowing your desire to participate with us both in our joys and 
sorrows, as we do with you. This is to giv you to understand 
that it has pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears your and 
our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear and reverend brother, 
Mr. John Robinson, who was ill for some eight days. He began 
to sicken on Saturday morning; yet next day (being the Lord's 
day) he taught us twice. The week after he grew daily weaker, 
but was without pain. The physic he took seemed to benefit him, 
but he grew weaker every day, though he remained sensible to the 
last. He fell sick on Feb. 22nd, and departed this life on March 
1st. He suffered from a continual inward ague, but was free from 

169 



170 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

infection, so that all his friends came to see him. If either prayers or 
tears or care could have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But 
he having faithfully finished his course, and performed the work 
which the Lord had appointed him here to do, now rests with the 
Lord in eternal happiness. Since his going our Church lacks a 
governor; yet we still continue by the mercy of God, and hold close 
together in peace and quietness ; and so hope to do, though we are 
very weak. We wish (if such were the will of God) that j'ou and 
we were again united, either there or here ; but seeing it is the will 
of the Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labour with patience 
to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose. As 
for news, there is not much. In England we have lost our old 
King James, who departed this life about a month ago ; and here 
they have lost the old prince, Grave Maurice; both having departed 
this life since my brother Robinson. In England we have a new 
king, Charles, of whom there is great hope ; here they have put 
Prince Henry in his brother's place. Thus with my love remem- 
bered, I take leave and rest, 

Your assured loving friend, 
Leydm, April 2Sth, 1625. ROGER WHITE. 

Thus these two great princes and the colonists' old pastor 
left this world about the same time: Death makes no 
difference. 

Captain Standish further brought them notice of the 
death of their early friend, Mr. Cushman, whom the Lord 
took away also this year, and who had been their right 
hand with tlieir friends, the adventurers, and for many 
years had undertaken all their business with them to great 
advantage. He had written to the Governor but a few 
months before of the serious illness of Mr. James Sherley, 
one of the chief friends of the plantation, who lay at the 
point of death, praising his love and helpfulness in every- 
thing, and much bemoaning the loss his death would be to 
them, for he was the stay and life of the whole business; 
also that he proposed to come over this year and spend 
the rest of his days with them. But he who thus wrote 
of another's illness, knew not his own death was so near. 
It shows that a man's ways are not in his own power, but 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 171 

in His hands, Who has the issue of life and death. Man 
may propose, but God doth dispose. 

Their other friends from Leyden wrote many sad letters 
to them, lamenting the heavy loss of their pastor, and 
though they would gladly come to them, they saw no prob- 
ability of it, but concluded that all their hopes were at an 
end; and besides, man}^ being aged, began to drop away 
by death. 

They were greatly perplexed — and not without cause. 
But they took courage, and the Lord so helped them, 
Whose work they had in hand, that now when they seemed 
at tlie lowest ebb they began to rise again; and being 
stripped as it were of all human helps and props, by His 
divine providence they were not only upheld and sustained, 
but their example was both honoured and imitated by- 
others ; as the sequel will show if the Lord spare me life 
and time to unfold it. 

Having now no fishing business or other things to attend 
to besides their trading and planting, they set themselves to 
follow them with the best industry they could. The settlers 
finding that their spare: corn was a commodity worth six 
shillings a bushel, spared no pains in sowing it. The Gov- 
ernor and those appointed to manage the trade (for it was 
still retained for the general benefit, and none were allowed 
to trade for themselves) co-operated; so, lacking goods to 
trade with, and hearing that a settlement which had been 
at Monhegan and belonged to some merchants at Plymouth 
was to break up, and many useful goods were to be sold, 
the Governor and Mr. Winslow took a boat and some 
hands and went there. Mr. David Thomson, who lived 
at Piscataqua, learning their purpose, took the opportunity 
to go with them; but lest their competition for the goods 
should raise the prices, they agreed to buy them all and 
(divide them equally between them. They also bought 



172 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

some goats, which they distributed amongst the colonists 
as they thought fit in exchange for com. Their share 
of the goods came to above £400 sterHng. That same 
spring a French ship had been wrecked at Sagadahoc, 
containing many Biscay rugs and other commodities, 
which had fallen into the hands of these people and some 
fishermen at Damariscove Islands who had been taken into 
partnership; and these extras increased their share of the 
purchase to £500. This they made shift to pay for, chiefly 
with beaver and goods they had got the winter before, and 
what they had obtained that summer. Mr. Thomson hav- 
ing somewhat exceeded his resources, asked them to re- 
lieve him of some of his purchase; but they declined to 
take any but the French goods, and on the understanding 
that the merchant who was selling them, and who was 
a Bristol man, would take their bill to be paid next year; 
to which both parties agreed. By this means they were 
well furnished with articles for trading, and were able to 
take up some of their previous engagement, such as the 
money raised by Captain Standish and the balance of 
former debts. With these goods and their corn when 
harvested they traded profitably, and were able to meet 
their engagements punctually and get some clothing for 
the people, and still had some supplies in hand. But soon 
they began to be emulated, and others went and supplied 
the Indians with corn, and beat down the pric6, giving 
them twice as much as they had done, and under-traded 
them with other articles too. 

This year they sent Mr. Allerton to England, and gave 
him instructions to settle with the adventurers upon as 
good terms as he could, for which composition Captain 
Standish had paved the way the year before. They en- 
joined him not to conclude absolutely till they knew the 
terms and had well considered them, but to arrange prq- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 173 

liminaries as well as he could, and refer the conclusion to 
them. They also gave him commission under their hands 
and seals to raise some money, provided it did not exceed 
the sum specified, for which they engaged themselves, and 
instructed him how to expend it for the use of the planta- 
tion. 

Finding that they ran great risks in going such long voy- 
ages in a small open boat, especially during the winter, they 
began to think how they could get a small pinnace. It 
was the more necessary since others were paying the In- 
dians half as much corn again as they had formerly given, 
and in such a small boat they could not carry a quantity 
sufficient for their purposes. They had no ship-builder 
among them, nor did they know how to get one at present ; 
but they had an ingenious man who was a house carpenter, 
who had worked under the ship-builder who died, when he 
was building their boats. So at their request he tried his 
skill, and took one of the biggest of their shallops, sawed 
her across the middle, lengthened her about five or six feet, 
strengthened her with timbers, built her up, and decked her 
and made her a convenient and serviceable vessel, suitable 
for their use. They got her finished and fitted with sails 
and anchors for the coming year ; and she did them service 
for seven years. 

Thus passed the affairs of this year. 



CHAPTER Vni 

Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between Adven- 
tuiers in England and the Settlement — Division of land and 
live-stock among the Colonists — Hospitality given to Fells- 
Sibsie Settlers — Pinnace and Depot at Maiiomet — Allerton re- 
turns to England — Greetings between Dutch Colony at New 
Amsterdam and Plj-mouth Settlement^ — Ijeading Colonists 
become responsible for piu'cliase of Adventurers' shares in 
England and buy I'ights of the Settlements' ti-ading from the 
general body of Colonists for six years: 1627. 

At the usual season of the arrival of ships Mr. Allerton 
returned, and brought some useful goods with him accord- 
ing to the orders given him. As commissioned, he had 
raised £200, which he got at 30 per cent. They got the 
goods safely home and in good condition. He told them, 
also, how with much ado he had arranged for a settlement 
with the adventurers, with the help of several of their 
faithful friends there. Of the agreement or bargain he had 
brought a draft with a list of their names annexed, drawn 
by the best counsel of law they could get, to make it bind- 
ing. The body of it I insert here. 

To all Christian people, greeting, etc. 

Whereas at a meeting on the 26th of October last, several persons 
whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in a 
schedule hereunto annexed. Adventurers to New Plymouth in New 
England in America, agreed, in consideration of the sum of one 
thousand and eight himdred pounds sterling to be paid (in manner 
and form following) to sell and make sale of all the stocks, shares, 
lands, merchandise, and chattels, whatsoever, to the said adventurers 
and their fellow adventurers to New Pljmouth aforesaid, in any 
way accruing or belonging to the generality of the said adventurers 
aforesaid ; as well as for any sum or sums of money or merchandise 

174 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 175 

at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them howso- 
ever; for the better setting forth and expression of the said agree- 
ment the parties to these presents subscribing, do for themselves 
severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargain, alien, sell, 
and transfer, all the said shares, goods, lands, merchandise, and 
chattels, to them belonging as aforesaid to Isaac Allerton, one of 
the planters resident at New Plymouth aforesaid, assigned and 
sent over as agent for the rest of the planters there, and to such 
other planters at New Plymouth aforesaid as the said Isaac, his 
heirs or assigns, at his or their arrival, shall by writing or other- 
wise think fit to join or partake in the premises, their heirs and 
assigns, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner and form, to all 
intents and purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here 
could or may do or perform. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc., 
to the said adventurers allotted, apportioned, or in any way be- 
longing, the said adventurers do warrant and defend unto the said 
Isaac Allerton, his heirs and assigns, against them, their heirs and 
assigns, by these presents. And therefore the said Isaac Allerton, 
docs, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, promise, and grant 
to and with the adventurers whose names are hereunto subscribed, 
their heirs, etc., well and truly to pay, or cause to be paid, to the 
said adventurers, or 5 of them which were at that meeting afore- 
said, nominated and deputed, viz. : John Pocock, John Beauchamp, 
Robert Kean, Edward Bass, and James Sherley, merchants, their 
heirs, etc., to and for the use of the generality of them, the sum 
of £1800 of lawful money of England, at the place appointed for 
the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royal Exchange 
in London, by £200 yearly, and every year, on the feast of St. 
Michael, the first payment to be made A. D. 1628, . . . Also the said 
Isaac is to endeavour to procure and obtain from the planters of 
New Plymouth aforesaid, security, by several obligations, or writ- 
ings obligatory, to make payment of the said sum of ii8oo in 
form aforesaid, according to the true meaning of these presents. 
In testimony whereof to this part of these presents remaining with 
the said Isaac Allerton, the said subscribing adventurers have set 
their names, . . . And to the other part remaining with the said 
adventurers the said Isaac Allerton has subscribed his name, the 
15th Nov., 1626, in the second year of his majesty's reign. 

John White William Quarles John Ling 

John Pocock Daniel Po>Titon Thomas Goflfe 

Robert Kean Richard Andrews Samuel Sharpe 

Edward Bass Newman Rookes Robert Holland 

William Hobson Henry Prowning James Sherley 

William Pennington Richard Wright Thomas Mott 



176 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

Thomas Fletcher Emnu. Alkham William Perrin 

Timothy Hatherley John Beauchamp Eliza Knight 

Thomas Brewer Thomas Hudson Thomas Coventry 

John Thorned Thomas Andrews Robert Alden 

Myles Knowles Thomas Ward Lawrence Anthony 

William Collier Fria. Newbald John Knight 

John Revell Thomas Heath Matthew Thornhill 

Peter Gudburn Joseph Tilden Thomas Millsop 

This agreement was approved by all the plantation, and 
consented to, though they did not know just how to raise 
the payment, and meet other engagements, and supply the 
yearly wants of the colony, since they were forced to 
raise money or purchase goods at such high interest to 
supply themselves with necessities. However, they under- 
took it, and seven or eight of the chief members became 
jointly bound for the payment of the ii8oo, on behalf of 
the rest, at the days set. It was a great risk as things 
stood at present. At the return of their agent it was abso- 
luely confirmed on both sides, and the bargain was fairly 
engrossed on parchment, and many things put into better 
form by the advice of the most learned counsel they could 
get ; and to prevent forfeiture of tlie whole, for non-pay- 
ment on any of the days, it ran thus : to forfeit thirty 
shillings a week if they missed the time. 

Now there were some unsuitable people among them from 
the first who came from England, and others sent later 
by some of the adventurers, concerning whom the Governor 
and Council had seriously to consider how to settle things 
in regard to this new bargain, in respect of the distribution 
of things both for the present and future. For the present, 
unless peace and unity were preserved, they would be able 
to do nothing, but would endanger everything. So they 
decided to include all in the partnership — i. e. either heads 
of families or single young men of ability who were free 
and able to be helpful to the commonwealth; for, first. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 177 

they had need of men for defence and carrying on business ; 
secondly most of them had borne their part in former 
miseries, and ought to be allowed to partake of the greater 
prosperity, if the Lord were pleased to give it. 

So they called the company together and conferred with 
them, and came to the conclusion that the trade should be 
managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all 
eligible persons should be enrolled as purchasers, single 
free men to have a single share, and every father of a fam- 
ily to be allowed to purchase as many shares as there were 
members of his family, — that is to say one for himself, one 
for his wife, and one for every child that he had living with 
him. As for servants, they had none, except what their 
masters gave them out of theirs, or their deserts should 
gain them from the company afterwards. The shares were 
allotted accordingly, and everyone was to pay his propor- 
tion towards the purchase and all other debts which the 
profits derived from trading did not cover. This gave 
satisfaction to all. 

The cattle they had were divided first, in this propor- 
tion: a cow to six persons or shares, and two goats to the 
same, the stock being first equalised in value according 
to age and quality, and then drawn for by lots. Pigs, 
though more numerous, were dealt with similarly. Then 
they agreed that every person or share should have twenty 
acres of land allotted to them, besides the single acres they 
owned already. Those appointed to make the allotment 
were instructed to begin first on one side of the town, up 
to a certain distance, and then on the other side, similarly; 
and to include only tillable land, — or at least such of it as 
was along the water-side, as most of it was, — and to leave 
the rest as common land. They were all to agree as to 
the fitness of it before the lots were drawn, to avoid dis- 
satisfaction afterwards. For the same reas'^n th-^y agreed 



178 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

by mutual consent, before any lots were drawn, that those 
whose land was nearest the town should choose a neighbour 
or two whom they would allow to plant corn with them 
for four years ; and afterwards they should be allowed to 
use as much of theirs for the same period if they wished. 
Every plot of twenty acres was to be laid out five acres in 
breadth along ihe water side and four acres in length, 
excepting nooks and corners which were to be measured to 
best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at 
all ; nor were they for many years after, because of the 
scarceness of meadow land. If they had been given out 
now, it would have hindered later developments ; so each 
season everyone was shown where to mow, according to 
the proportion of cattle he had, and the fodder he re- 
quired. 

This distribution gave general satisfaction, and settled 
men's minds. They gave the Governor and four or five 
leading men among them the houses they lived in; the 
other houses were valued, and equalised fairly, and everyone 
kept his own; so that he who had a better house made 
some allowance to him who had a worse, according to the 
valuation. 

One thing which occurred at die beginning of the pre- 
vious winter I have deferred mentioning till now, so that 
I might handle it altogether. A ship with goods and 
many passengers aboard, bound for Virginia, lost herself 
at sea, either through the incompetence of the captain, 
or his illness, — for he w-as so ill with scurvy that he could 
only lie at the cabin door and give directions, — and it 
seemed he was poorly helped by the mate and the crew; 
or perhaps the fear and unruliness of the passengers made 
them steer a course between the soutliwest and the north- 
west, so that they might make land the sooner. They 
had been six weeks at sea, and had no water or beer or 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 179 

wood left, having burnt up all their empty casks. One 
of the passengers had a hogshead of wine or two, which 
was almost used up, and they feared they would be starved 
at sea or wiped out by disease, — and so they ran this 
desperate course. But it pleased God that though they 
either only just avoided the shoals of Cape Cod, or else 
ran stumbling over them in the night they knew not how, 
they made right towards a small blind harbour which lies 
about in the middle of Manamoick Bay, to the south of 
Cape Cod; and about high water they touched upon a 
bar of sand that lies across it, but took no harm, the sea 
being smooth; so they put out an anchor. But towards 
the evening the wind sprang up at sea, and it was so rough 
that their cable broke and they were beaten over the bar 
into the harbour, where they saved their lives and their 
cargo, though much was injured by salt water, for in the 
storm they had sprung the butt-end of a plank or two and 
beat out their oakum; but they were soon over, and ran 
onto a dry flat within the harbour, close by the beach. 
So at low water they got out their goods and dried those 
that were wet, and saved most of their things without any 
great loss ; nor was the ship so badly damaged but that she 
might be mended and made serviceable again. But though 
they were glad that they had saved their lives, when they 
had refreshed themselves a little they began to realize 
their condition, and not knowing where they were or 
what they should do they lost heart. Shortly after, they 
saw some Indians coming to them in canoes, which made 
them stand upon their guard. But when they heard some 
of the Indians speak English to them, they were relieved, 
especially when they asked if they were the Governor 
of Plymouth's men, or friends of theirs, and offered to 
guide them to the English settlement or carry their letters. 
They feasted these Indians and gave them many pres- 



180 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

ents, and sent two of their men and a letter with them 
to the Governor, and begged him to send a boat to them 
with some pitch and oakum and spikes and various other 
necessaries to mend their ship. They also asked him to 
help them with some corn and several other things they 
wanted, to enable them to continue their voyage to Vir- 
ginia. They promised to pay for anything they received 
in any goods which they had aboard. After the Governor 
had been informed by the messengers of their condition, 
he had a boat got ready with the supplies they needed, 
and as the other more responsible members of the colony 
were away trading, he went himself and took some trad- 
ing goods, too, to buy corn from the Indians. It was no 
season of the year to go outside the Cape: but knowing 
where the ship lay, he coasted along the lower side of the 
Bay and put into a creek called Namskeket, where it is 
not much above two miles overland to the bay where they 
were; and he had Indians ready to carry over anything 
to them. They were very glad of his arrival, and of the 
things to mend their ship, and other necessaries. He also 
brought them as much corn as they wanted ; and some of 
their sailors having run away among the Indians, he had 
them sent back to the ship, and so left them well provided 
and very grateful for the courtesies shown them. 

After the Governor left them, he went into some other 
harbours near there, and loaded his boat with corn, which 
he traded, and then went home. He had not been home 
many days before he received word from them that in 
a violent storm, owing to the bad mooring of the ship 
after she had been mended, she was driven ashore again, 
and so beaten that she was wholly unfit to go to sea. 
So their request was that they might have leave to come 
to them and live with them, till they could convey them- 
selves to Virginia. If they might have means to transport 



THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEMENT 181 

their goods, they would pay for it and for anything else 
with which the plantation could provide them. Consider- 
ing their distress all their requests were granted, and all 
help rendered them, — their goods transported and they 
themselves accommodated in their houses as well as they 
could. 

The chief among these people were a Mr. Fells and a 
Mr. Sibsie, who had a number of servants belonging to 
them, many of them Irish. Some others had a servant or 
two each ; but most of the people were themselves ser- 
vants and were engaged by the two men mentioned above, 
who owned most of the cargo. After they had arrived 
and were settled, the masters asked for some land to 
employ their servants upon, since it was likely to be the 
latter end of the year before they could get passage for 
Virginia, and they had now the winter before them. If 
they had opportunity to take passage before the crop was 
ripe, they would sell it standing. So they had ground 
allotted in convenient places, and Fells and some of them 
grew a great deal of corn which they sold at their de- 
parture. This Fells, amongst his other servants, had a maid- 
servant who kept his house and did his household affairs; 
and, as was intimated by some who were with him, he was 
suspected of keeping her as his concubine. Both of them 
were questioned as to this, but nothing could be proved 
and they stood upon their justification; so they were dis- 
missed with admonition. But afterwards it appeared she 
was with child, so he got a small boat and ran away with 
her for fear of punishment. First he went to Cape Ann, 
and afterwards to the Bay of Massachusetts ; but he could 
get no passage and was nearly wrecked, so he was forced 
to come back and submit himself. So they packed him 
away and those that belonged to him at the first oppor- 
tunity, and dismissed all the rest as soon as they could, 



182 BIl.M)FORD'S HISTORY OF 

as there were many undesirable people among them, though 
they were also some who behaved themselves very well 
all the time they stayed. And the plantation benefited 
by selling them corn and other provisions in exchange 
for clothing of which they had a variety, such as cloth, 
perpetuanes and other stuffs, besides stockings and shoes 
and such like goods, which the planters stood in need of. 
So the advantage was mutual, and a couple of barks took 
them away at the latter end of the summer. Several 
of them have since acknowledged their gratitude from 
Virginia. 

So that they might lose no opportunity of trading, the 
settlers decided to build a small pinnace at IManomet, a 
place on the sea 20 miles to the southward of them, to- 
wards which ran a creek, so that they could convey their 
goods to within four or five miles of it, and then transport 
them over-land to their vessel, and so avoid rounding Cape 
Cod, with its dangerous shoals. By this means they could 
make voyages southward in much shorter time and with 
far less danger. For the safety of their vessel and goods 
they built a house and kept some servants there, who also 
planted corn and kept swine and were always ready to 
go out with the bark when needed. It was a satisfactory 
and profitable enterprise. 

With the return of the ships they sent Mr. Allerton to 
England again, giving him full power under their hands 
and seals to conclude the former bargain with the adven- 
turers, and sent them bonds for the payment of the money. 
They also sent what beaver they could spare to meet some 
of their engagements and to defray his expenses; but the 
high rates of interest left them httle margin. He had 
orders to procure a patent for a suitable trading-house on 
the river Kennebec ; for the settlers at Piscataqua and other 
places to the eastward of them, and also the fishing ships. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 183 

competed with them for the trade of the Indians, and 
threatened by procuring a grant to exclude them from 
thereabout!^, — and they found they were so well furnished 
with goods for the purpose that they might take all the 
trade from them. They thought it essential to prevent 
this, and at least to preserve free-trade for themselves in 
localities which they themselves had first discovered and 
developed. 

This year they received letters and messengers from 
the Dutch colony sent to them from the Governor there, 
written both in Dutch and French. The Dutch had traded 
to the south of them several years before they came, but 
had made no settlement there till four or five years after 
their arrival at New Plymouth. Their letters were as fol- 
lows — it being their custom to be full of complimental 
titles. 

I shall render it in English, leaving out the superfluous 
titles from the body of the letter. 

The Dutch colonists at Manhattan to the Settlers at New Plymouth: 

Noble, worshipful, wise and prudent Lords, the Governor and 
Councillors residing at New Plymouth, our very dear friends : 

The Director and Council of New Netherlands wish to your 
Lordships, worshipful, wise and prudent, happiness in Christ 
Jesus Our Lord, with prosperity and health in soul and body. 

We have often before this wished for an opportunity to con- 
gratulate 3'ou on your prosperous and praiseworthy undertakings, 
and the Government of your colony there; the more so, since we 
also have made a good beginning in the foundation of a colony 
here, and because our native country is not far from yours, and 
our forefathers many years ago formed friendship and alliance 
with your ancestors both for war and trade, confirmed under the 
hands of kings and princes. These have not only been confirmed 
by the king now reigning, but it has pleased his majesty, upon 
mature deliberation, to make a new alliance to take up arms against 
our common enemy the Spaniard, wlio seeks to usurp the lands of 
other Christian kings so that he may obtain his pretended mon- 
archy over all Christendom, and so rule at his pleasure over the 



1^4 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

consciences of so many hundred thousand souls ; which God forbid ! 

It appears that some of our people, who happened to go north- 
ward in their boat, met some Indians, who told them that they 
were within half a day's journey of your plantation, and offered to 
take letters to you ; so we could not forbear to salute you with 
these few lines, bearing our gojd will and service to j^ou, in all 
friendly kindness and neighbourhood. If it should happen that any 
goods that come to us from our native country may be serviceable 
to you, we shall feel ourselves bound to accommodate you either 
for beaver or any other merchandise. Should we have no goods at 
present that you want, if you care to sell us any beaver, or otter, 
or such, for ready money, and let us hear in writing by this bearer, 
whom we have instructed to wait three or four days for your 
answer, we will depute some one to deal with you at any place you 
may appoint. In the meantime we pray the Lord to take you, our 
honoured friends and neighbours, into His holy protection. 

By the appointment of the Governor and Council, etc. 

ISAAC DE RASIERES, Secretary. 

From Manhattan, in the Fort of Amsterdam. March gth, 1627. 

To this they answered as follows : 

From the Settlement at New Plymouth to the Dutch Colony at 
New Amsterdam: 

To the honoured, etc. 

The Governor and Council of New Plymouth, wishes, etc. We 
have received your letters, expressing your good-will and friendship 
towards us, but with over high titles, more than is our right, or 
it is fitting for us to receive. But for your good-will and con- 
gratulations of our prosperity in these small beginnings of our 
poor colony, we are much obliged to you, and acknowledge them 
with many thanks, accepting them as a great honour to us and a 
sure proof of your love and good neighbourhood. 

This is also to give your worships to understand, that it is no 
small joy to us to hear that his majesty has not only been pleased 
to confirm the ancient alliances and other contracts formerly made 
by his predecessors of famous memory, but has himself (as you 
say) strengthened them with a new bond, the better to resist the 
pride of that common enemy, the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the 
Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now though this were 
sufficient to unite us together in love and good neighbourhood in 
all our dealings, many of us are under further obligations for the 
courteous treatment we received in your country, having lived tberQ 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 185 

for many years in freedom, as many of our friends do to this day; 
for which we and our children after us are bound to be grateful 
to your nation, and shall never forget it, but shall heartily desire 
your good and prosperity as our own, forever. 

Your friendly offer to accommodate us with any merchandise you 
may have, either for beaver or otter or other wares, is also very 
acceptable, and we doubt not we shall shortly have profitable trade 
together. This year we are fully supplied with all necessaries, 
clothing, etc., though later we shall hope to deal with 3'ou, if your 
rates are reasonable. When you send to us again we shall like to 
know what price you give for beaver per pound, and otter per 
skin ; and on what per cent you will deal for other commodities, and 
what you can supply us with ; also what other goods from us 
would be acceptable to you, as tobacco, fish, corn, etc., and what 
prices you will give, etc. 

We hope you will pardon us for our imperfect writing in your 
language, and take it in good part; through want of practice we 
cannot so well express what we understand, nor understand every- 
thing as full we should. We humbly pray the Lord for His 
mercy's sake that He will take both us and you into His gracious 
keeping and protection. 

By the Governor and Council of New Plymouth, 

Your Worships' very good friends and neighbours, etc. 
New Plymouth, March igth. 

After this there was much correspondence and other 
intercourse, and they traded profitably together for sev- 
eral years, till other things interrupted it, as will appear 
afterwards. 

Before they sent Mr. Allerton to England this year, the 
Governor and some of the principal members seriously 
considered how best to discharge the many obligations 
which lay so heavily upon them, and abo how, if possible, 
to bring over some of their friends at Leyden, who wished 
so much to come to them, and whose company they de- 
sired equally. To effect this, the leading men of the col- 
ony resolved upon a venturesome course, not knowing 
how to accomplish their objects otherwise. This was, that 
they should purchase the trade of the settlement (now 
owned jointly by the settlers, as a body, and by the adven- 



ISO BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

turers) for a certain period, and in that time to undertake 
to pay the £1800, and all the rest of the debts of the plan- 
tation then owing, which amounted to about i6oo more ; 
the trade of the settlement to revert to the common own- 
ership at the end of the period. Upon coming to this res- 
olution they called the settlers together, and made it clear 
to them what all their debts amounted to, and upon what 
terms they would undertake to pay them in a given time. 
But their other objects they were obliged to conceal, only 
privately consulting some of their most trusted friends 
about it. So after some discussion with the colonists, it 
was agreed to, and the contract drawn up on the following 
condition. 

Articles of Agreement hehfccn the Colony of Nezv Plymouth of 
the one part, and William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, Isaac 
Allerton, etc., of the other part; and such others as they shall think 
good to take as partners in the trade for beaver and other furs and 
commodities, etc. Made July, 1627. 

1. First it is agreed and covenanted between the said parties, that 
the aforesaid William Bradford, Captain Mj-les Standish, and Isaac 
Allerton, etc., have undertaken and do by these presents covenant 
and agree to pay, discharge, and acquit the said colony of all debts 
due for the purchase or otherwise, on the date of these presents. 

2. The above said parties are to have and freely enjoy the pin- 
nace lately built, the boat at Manomet, and the shallop called the 
bass-boat, with all implements belonging to them in the store of 
the said company; with the whole stock of furs, fells, beads, corn, 
wampum, hatchets, knives, etc., now in the store, or due to the same 
upon account. 

3. That the above said parties have the whole trade to them- 
selves, their heirs and assigns, with all the privileges thereof, as the 
said colony does now, and may use the same for six full years to 
come, to begin the last day of September next ensuing. 

4. In further consideration of the discharge of the said debts, 
each member of the colony promises and covenants yearly to pay 
or cause to be paid to the above said parties during the full term 
of the above said six j^ears, three bushels of corn or six lbs. of 
tobacco, at the choice of the parties. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 187 

5. The said parties shall during the aforesaid term expend £50 
per annum in hose and shoes to be brought over for the colony's 
use, to be sold to them for corn at six shillings per bushel. 

6. That the end of the said term of six years, the whole trade 
shall revert to the use and benefit of the said colony as before. 

7. Lastly, if the aforesaid parties, after they have acquainted 
their friends in England with these covenants, do thereupon resolve 
to perform them, and undertake to discharge the debts of the said 
colony, according to the true meaning and intent of these presents, 
they are then upon notice given to stand in full force; otherwise 
all things to remain as they were formerly, and a true account to 
be given to the said colony of the disposition of everything as usual. 

Mr. Allerton took a copy of this agreement to England, 
and had orders to arrange with some of their special 
friends there to join with them in this trade upon the above 
conditions, and also to impart to them confidentially the 
other object that induced them to take this course, that is, 
to bring over some of their friends from Leyden, if possible ; 
and to tell them that if any of them would join with them 
they would thankfully accept their partnership ; and finally, 
by letter, gave them some grounds for their hope of ac- 
complishing it advantageously for all concerned. 



CHAPTER IX 

Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading 
New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London 
adventurers — Patent for Kennebec River procured — Further 
Dutch intercourse — Trade in Wampum begiui — Troubles with 
Morton in Massachusetts — John Endicott's arrival — Morton 
trades guns and ammunition to the Indians — Morton appre- 
hended — Troubles begin with Isaac Allerton: 1628. 

After Mr. Allerton's arrival in England, he informed the 
adventurers of his commission to make the purchase of the 
trade of the colony for six years, and upon delivery of 
the bonds for the yearly payments it v^as finally concluded, 
and a deed engrossed in parchment was delivered to him 
under their hands and seals confirming it. He also ar- 
ranged with some special friends among them, as instructed, 
to participate in the purchase, and to supply them with 
money at better rates, etc. Concerning this I insert here 
a letter from Mr. Sherley to the Governor throwing light on 
what followed. 

James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plytnouih: 

Sir, 

I have received j-onrs of May 26th through Mr. Gibbs and Mr. 
Goffe, with the barrel of otter skins, for which I got a bill of store, 
and sold them for £78-12-0 sterling; and Mr. Allerton has received 
the money as will appear by the accomit. It is true, as you write, 
that your obligations are large, not only for the purchase but for the 
working stock you will require, which you cannot raise at 6 or 8 per 
cent, as here but must pay 30, 40 and even 50 per cent. Were not 
your profits considerable, and God's blessing on your honest en- 
deavours more than ordinary, you could not long be masters of your 
affairs. And this, it seems, your honest and able agent, Mr. AUer- 

X88 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 189 

fion, has seriously considered. He tells me that you are willing 
to permit me and some few others to join with you as partners 
in the purchase ; I thank you and all the rest, and gladly accept, 
and though absent, shall willingly be at such expense as you and 
the rest think proper. This year I am prepared to forego the £50 
due and the two years' increase for the venture, which comes in 
all to iSo, without making any condition for the profit, — you with 
the rest to bear the risk outward and homeward. 1 have persuaded 
Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp to do the same, so that you 
will not have to bear the high rate of the previous two years. 
We leave it freely to yourselves to allow us what you please, and 
according as God shall bless us. Whatever course I take, Mr. 
Beauchamp is willing to do the same; and though he may have 
seemed rather harsh before, you will find he is now new moulded. 
I also see by your letter that you desire me to be your agent here. 
I have ever found you such faithful, honest, and upright men, that 
I have resolved to do you all the good that lies in my power; so 
if you please to select so inadequate a man to perform your busi- 
ness, I promise to do the best I can with the ability the Lord has 
given me; and wherein I fail, blame yourselves that you did not 
make a better choice. As I am not in good health, and we are all 
mortal, I have advised Mr. Allerton to associate Mr. Beauchamp 
with me as your deputy, which is both necessary and advisable for 
you, and will cost you no more, for it is not the salary that induces 
me to undertake your business. Thus commending you and yours 
and all God's people to the guidance and protection of the Al- 
mighty, I ever rest. 

Your faithful, loving friend, 
London, Nov. 17th, 1628. JAMES SHERLEY. 

With this letter he sent a draft of power of attorney 
to be sealed and returned to them, authorizing them to 
act as their agents. As some trouble arose about it after- 
wards, I will insert it. 

To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting ; know ye that 
we, William Bradford, Governor of New Pymouth, in New Eng- 
land, in America, Isaac Allerton, Myles Standish, William 
Brewster, and Edward Winslow, of New Plymouth aforesaid, 
merchants, do by these presents for us and in our names make, 
substitute, and appoint James Sherley, goldsmith, and John Beau- 
champ, Salter, citizens of London, our true and lawful agents, 
factors, substitutes, and assigns; as well to take and receive all 



190 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

such goods, wares, merchandise whatsoever as to onr said sub- 
stitutes or either of them, or to the city of London, or other 
place of the Realm of England, shall be sent, transported, or come 
from us or any of us; as also to vend, sell, barter, or exchange the 
said goods, wares, and merchandise, so from time to time to be 
sent to such person or persons upon credit, or otherwise in such 
manner as to our said agents and factors jointly, or to either of 
them severally, shall seem proper. And further we make and 
ordain our said substitutes and assigns jointl}^ and severally for us, 
and to our uses, and accounts, to buy and consign for us and to 
us to New England aforesaid, such goods and merchandise to be 
provided here, and to be returned hence as by our said assigns, or 
either of them, shall be thought fit. And to recover, receive, and 
demand for us and in our names all such debts and sums of money, 
as now are or hereafter shall be due, incident, accruing, or belonging 
to us, or any of us, by any ways or means ; and to acquit, dis- 
charge, or compound for any debt or sum of money, which now or 
hereafter shall be due or owing bj'' any person or persons to us, or 
any of us. And generally for us and in our names to do, perform, 
and execute every act and thing which to our said assigns, or 
either of them, shall seem proper to do, as fully and effectually, to 
all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us were in person 
present. And whatsoever our said agents and factors jointly or 
severally shall do, or cause to be done, in or about the premises, 
we will and do, and each of us does ratify, allow, and confirm, by 
these presents. In witness whereof we have hereunto put our 
hands and seals. 
Dated November i8th, 1628. 

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, 
and four more of the principal members, under their hands 
and seals, and delivered to them. Mr. Allerton had for- 
merly received authority under their hands and seals for 
transacting their business, raising money, etc., and this 
deed he still retained while he was employed on these 
affairs. Their complete trust in him and their other 
friends made them remiss in cancelling such previous deeds, 
which was a disadvantage to them later, as will appear in 
due course. 

Mr. Allerton having settled everything satisfactorily, re- 
turned to the colony in the early spring of the year with 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 191 

their supplies for trading, the fishermen with whom he came 
being accustomed to sail in the winter and get here betimes. 
He brought a fair stock of goods for the settlement, not 
subject to such high interest, and an account of the beaver 
sold and of the money expended for goods and the pay- 
ment of other debts. He had discharged all engagements, 
except to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews ; 
and from them he also brought an account, which amounted 
to not above £400, for which he had given bonds. He 
had also made the first payment for the purchase, due 
this year, viz., £200, and brought them the bond for it, 
duly cancelled. So they had now no foreign debts except 
£400, odd, and the balance of the yearly purchase money. 
They had some other debts over here, but they were with- 
out interest, and they were in a position to discharge them 
when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought 
things for them, 

Mr. Allerton also brought them notice that their friends 
referred to above, with some others who wished to join 
them in the trading and in the purchase, intended that a 
reasonable number of the congregation at Leyden should 
be sent over next year without fail, if the Lord pleased 
to bless their journey. He also brought them a patent 
for Kennebec; but it was so inadequate that they were 
obliged to endeavour to renew and enlarge it the next year, 
and also that which they had at home, at great expense, 
as will appear. Hitherto Mr. Allerton had done them good 
and faithful service: would that he had so continued, or 
that they had now ceased employing him any longer in 
England. But of this more afterwards. 

Having procured a patent for Kennebec, they erected 
a house in the most convenient place for trade up the river, 
and stocked it with goods for that purpose, both for winter 
and summer; not only with corn, but with such other: 



192 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

commodities as the fishermen had traded to them, such 
as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuits, peas, prunes, etc. 
What they could not procure from England they bought 
from the fishing ships and so carried on tlieir business as 
well as they could. 

This year the Dutch visited them again. With kind 
letters from the colony they sent a variety of goods, such 
as sugar, linen, Holland finer and coarser stuffs, etc. 
Their secretary de Rasieres. came with them in their bark 
to Manomet, to the house the settlers had established there. 
He brought attendants, and his coming was heralded by 
trumpets. He requested them to send a boat to take him 
on to New Plymouth, as he could not travel so far over- 
land. So they sent a boat to Manoanscussett, and brought 
him to the plantation with most of his people. After 
some few days' entertainment he returned to his bark, and 
some of the leading settlers went with him and bought 
some of his goods. After this beginning they often sent 
over to them, and had intercourse for many years. 

Amongst other commodities they sold the Dutch a good 
deal of tobacco in exchange for linen, stuffs, etc. ; and 
tobacco was profitably traded with them by the New 
Plymouth colony, till the Virginians learned of the Dutch 
settlement. But what become most profitable, in time, was 
the beginning they then made in the trade for wampum. 
They bought i^o worth of it from the Dutch who told 
them how much they sold of it at Fort Orange, and as- 
sured them they would find it so at Kennebec. At first 
they could not sell it — in fact it was two years before they 
cleared this small quantity. Afterwards, when the Indians 
further inland began to know of it, for many years they 
could scarcely get enough for them. 

This, with their other sources of supply, reduced their 
.trade with the fishermen, and in the main also with the 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 193 

scattered settlers. It was strange to see the great change 
it wrought in a few years among the Indians themselves. 
The natives of these parts and in Massachusetts hitherto 
had none or very little of this wampum, except the Sachems 
and some of the chiefs who wore a little of it for ornament. 
It was, however, largely made and used by the Narra- 
gansetts and Pequots, who grew rich and powerful while 
the Indians here were poor and beggarly, and had no use for 
it. Nor did the English of New Plymouth or any of the 
other settlements, until told of it by the Dutch, so much 
as know what it was, much less that it was a commodity 
of such value. But after it grew to be valuable here, 
the local Indians took to it too, and learned how to make 
it, gathering the shells from the shores. It has remained 
a current commodity now for about twenty years, and it 
may prove a drug in time. In the meantime it makes the 
tribes hereabouts rich and powerful and proud, and pro- 
vides them with arms and powder and shot, through the 
depravity of some unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, 
and French, and likely to be the ruin of many. Hitherto 
the Indians round here had no guns or other arms but 
their bows and arrows, nor for many years after; they 
scarcely dared handle guns, they were so afraid of them ; 
and the very sight of one, though out of kilter, was a 
terror to them. But the Indians to the East who had 
dealings with the French got guns from them, and in time 
our English fishermen, with equal covetousness, followed 
their example. But upon complaint it pleased the king's 
majesty to prohibit it by a strict proclamation, command- 
ing that no sort of arms or munition should be traded to 
the Indians by his subjects. 

Some three or four years before this there came over 
one, Captain Wollaston, a man of fine qualities, with 
three or four others of some distinction, who brought with 



194 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

them a great many servants, with provisions and other 
necessaries to found a settlement. They pitched upon a 
place within Massachusetts, which they called, after their 
Captain, Mount Wollaston. Among them was one, Mr, 
Morton, who, it seems, had some small share with them 
in the enterprise, either on his own account or as an agent ; 
but he was little respected amongst them and even slighted 
by the servants. Having remained there some time, and 
not finding things answer their expectations,^ Captain Wol- 
laston took the majority of the servants to Virginia, where 
he hired out their services profitably to other employers. 
So he wrote up to Mr, Rasdell, one of the chief partners 
who was acting as their merchant, to bring another party 
of them to Virginia for the same purpose. With the 
consent of Rasdell he appointed one, Pitcher, as his deputy, 
to govern the remnant of the colony till one of them 
should return. But Morton, in the others' absence, having 
more craft than honesty — he had been a kind of petti- 
fogger of Fumival's Inn — watched his opportunity when 
rations were scarce with them, got some drink and other 
junkets and made them a feast, and after they were 
merry began to tell them he would give them good counsel, 
"You see," says he, "that many of your comrades have 
been taken to Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdell 
returns you too will be carried off and sold as slaves with 
the rest. So I would advise you to oust this Lieutenant 
Fitcher; and I, having a share in this settlement, will 
take you as partners, and you will be free from sei^vice, 
and we will trade, plant, and live together as equals, and 
support and protect one another" — and so on. This ad- 
vice was easily received; so they drove out Lieutenant 
Fitcher and would not allow him to come amongst them, 
forcing him to get food and other relief from his neigh- 
bours, till he could get passage to England. They then 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 195 

fell to utter licentiousness, and led a dissolute and pro- 
fane life. Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained, 
as it were, a school of Atheism. As soon as they acquired 
some means by trading with the Indians, they spent it 
in drinking wine and strong drinks to great excess, — as 
some reported, iio worth in a morning! They set up 
a Maypole, drinking and dancing about it for several days 
at a time, inviting the Indian women for their consorts, 
dancing and frisking together like so many fairies, — or 
furies rather, — to say nothing of worse practices. It was 
as if they had revived the celebrated feasts of the Roman 
goddess Flora, or the beastly practices of the mad Bac- 
chanalians. Morton, to show his poetry, composed sundry 
verses and rhymes, some tending to lasciviousness and 
others to the detraction and scandal of some persons, 
affixing them to his idle, or idol. Maypole. They changed 
the name of the place, and instead of calling it Mount 
Wollaston, they called it Merry Mount, as if this jollity 
would last forever. But it did not continue long, for, 
shortly after, Morton was sent back to England, as will 
appear. In the meantime that worthy gentleman, Mr. 
John Endicott, arrived from England, bringing over a 
patent under the broad seal, for the government of Massa- 
chusetts. Visiting this neighbourhood, he had the May- 
pole cut down, and reprimanded them for their profaneness, 
admonishing them to improve their way of living. In 
consequence, others changed the name of their place again, 
and called it Mount Dagon! 

In order to maintain this riotous prodigality and excess, 
Morton, hearing what profit the French and the fisher- 
men had made by trading guns, powder, and shot to the 
Indians, began to practise it hereabouts, teaching them 
how to use them. Having instructed them, he employed 



196 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

some of them to hunt and fowl for him, until they became 
far more able than the English, owing to their swiftness 
on foot and nimbleness of body, being quick-sighted, and 
knowing the haunts of all sorts of game. With the result 
that, when they saw what execution a gun would do and 
the advantage of it, they were mad for them and would 
pay any price for them, thinking their bows and arrows 
but baubles in comparison. 

And here I must bewail the mischief that this wicked 
man began in this district, and which, continued by men 
that should know better, has now become prevalent, not- 
withstanding the laws to the contrary. The result is that 
the Indians are stocked with all kinds of arms, — fowling- 
pieces, muskets, pistols, etc. They even have moulds to make 
shots of all sorts, — musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan and 
geese shot and smaller sorts. It is well known that they 
often have powder and shot when the English lack it and 
cannot get it, it having been bought up and sold to those 
who trade it to the Indians at a shilling per pound — for 
they will buy it at any price. This goes on while their 
neighbours are being killed by the Indians every day, or 
are only living at their mercy. They have even been told 
how gun-powder is made, and all the materials that are 
in it, and that they are to be had in their own land ; and I 
am confident that if they could only get saltpeter they 
would make gunpowder itself. 

Oh, the horror of this viiiainy! How many Dutch and 
English have lately been killed by Indians, thus furnished; 
and no remedy is provided, — nay, the evil has increased. 
The blood of their brothers has been sold for profit; and 
in what danger all these colonies are is too well-known. 
Oh! that princes and parliaments would take some timely 
steps to prevent this mischief and to suppress it, by ex- 
emplary punishment of some of those gain-thirsty murder- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 197 

ers, — for they deserve no better title, — before their colonies 
in these parts are wiped out by the barbarous savages, 
armed with their own weapons by these traitors to their 
country. But I have forgotten myself, and have been too 
long on this digression; now to return. 

Morton having taught them the use of guns, sold them 
all he could spare, and he and his associates determined 
to send for large supplies from England, having already 
sent for over a score by some of the ships. This being 
known, several members of the scattered settlements here- 
abouts agreed to solicit the settlers at New Plymouth, 
who then outnumbered them all, to join with them to 
prevent the further growth of this mischief, and to sup- 
press Morton and his associates. Those who joined in 
this action, and afterwards contributed to the expense of 
sending him to England, were from Piscataqua, Naum- 
keag, Winnisimmett, Weesagascusett, Nantasket, and other 
places where the English had settled. The New Plymouth 
colonists thus addressed by their messengers and letters, 
and weighing their reasons and the common danger, were 
willing to help, though they themselves had least cause for 
fear. 

So, to be short, they first decided to write to Morton 
jointly, in a friendly and neighbourly way, requesting him 
to desist, and sent a messenger with the letter to bring 
his answer. But he was so overbearing that he scorned all 
advice; he asked what it had to do with them; he would 
trade guns to the Indians in spite of them all, with many 
other scurrilous remarks, full of disdain. So they sent to 
him again and bade him be better advised and more temper- 
ate in his terms; that the country would not bear the injury 
he was doing; it was against their common safety and 
against the king's proclamation. He answered as haughtily 
as before, that the king's proclamation .was no law^ and 



198 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF '■.■ 

asking what was the penaUy ! They repHed : more than he 
could bear, — his majesty's displeasure. But he persisted, 
and insolently said that the king was dead, and his dis- 
pleasure with him; that if they came to molest him, let them 
look to themselves; he would be prepared for them. 

So they saw there was no way but to take him by force. 
They resolved to proceed, and unanimously requested the 
Governor of New Plymouth to send Captain Standish and 
sufficient men to seize Morton. This was accordingly 
done; but he defended himself stiffly, closed his doors, 
armed his associates, and had dishes of powder and bullets 
ready on the table; and if they had not been overarmed 
with drink, more harm might have been done. They sum- 
moned him to yield, but they got nothing but scoffs from 
him. At length fearing they would wreck the house, 
some of his crew came out, — intending not to yield, but 
to shoot ; but they were so drunk that their guns were too 
heavy for them. He himself, with a carbine, overcharged 
and almost half filled with powder and shot, tried to shoot 
Captain Standish ; but he stepped up to him and put aside 
his gun and took him. No harm was done on either side, 
except that one of his men was so drunk that he ran his 
nose upon the point of a sword that some one held in front 
of him on entering the house; but all he lost was a little 
of his hot blood. Morton they took to New Plymouth, 
where he was kept till a ship went from the Isle of Shoals 
to England. In this he was dispatched to the Council of 
New England, with letters giving information of his be- 
haviour, entrusted to a representative sent at tlieir com- 
mon expense to inform their honours more particularly, 
and to prosecute him. But Morton fooled this man after 
he had left here, and though he went to England, nothing 
was done to him, — he was not so much as rebuked, so far 
as was heard, — and he returned the following year. Some 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 199 

of the worst of the party were dispersed, and some of the 
more decent were permitted to hve in the house till he was 
heard from. But I have been too long about so unworthy 
a person and so bad a cause. 

This year Mr. Allerton brought over a young man as 
minister to the colony, whether upon his own initiative 
or at the instance of some friends there, I do not know ; 
but he was not sent by the orders of the church, for they 
had been so bitten by Mr. Lyford that they wished to 
know well whom they were inviting, beforehand. His 
name was Mr. Rogers; but they discovered that he was 
crazed in the brain; so they were obliged to go to the ex- 
pense of sending him back again the next year; besides 
the cost of bringing him out, which was not small by Mr. 
Allerton's account, for provisions, clothing, bedding, etc. 
Mr. Allerton was much blamed for bringing such a man 
over, for they had expenses enough already. 

In previous years Mr. Allerton had brought over some 
small quantities of goods upon his own account, and sold 
them for his private benefit, which was more than any one 
had hitherto ventured to do. But as he had done them 
good service otherwise, and as he sold them among the 
people of the colony and their wants were thereby supplied, 
it was passed over. But this year he brought over a 
greater quantity, and they were intermixed with the goods 
of the colony, and all packed together, so that it could not 
be said which were theirs and which were his ; so if any mis- 
chance had happened at sea, he could have laid the whole 
loss on them, if he had wished. And it seemed to result 
that what was most saleable and could be sold promptly, 
he claimed was his ! He also began to sell to others out- 
side the settlement, which, considering their agreement, 
they disliked. But love thinks no evil, nor is suspicious ; 
so they took his fair words for excuse, and decided to send 



200 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

him to England again this year, considering how well he 
had done formerly and how well he stood with their friends 
there ; and particularly as some of their friends from Leyden 
were to be sent for, the arrangements for which he could, i| 

or might, assist in. It was also thought that, as the pat- 
ent for Kennebec must be extended, as well as the one here, 
he would best be able to effect it, having begun it. So 
they gave him instructions and sent him to England once 
more. His instructions were to bring over no goods on 
their account, except £50 worth of hose, shoes, and linen, 
according to the conditions, — besides some trading goods 
to a certain value; and in no case was he to exceed his in- 
structions or run them into further expense. He was to 
arrange that their trading goods came over early, and what- 
ever was sent on their account should be packed by itself, 
and marked with their mark; and no other goods were to 
be mixed with them. In fact he requested them to give 
him such instructions as they thought fit, and he would 
follow them, to prevent any jealousy or further trouble. 
So they thought they had provided satisfactory for every- 
thing. 



CHAPTER X 

Arrival of the Leyden people — Allerton In England tries to 
get the Kennebec Patent enlarged — Morton's return — Further 
trouble \nth Allerton — The partnership with Ashley — The 
Penobscot trading-house— Pui'chase of a fishing-ship suggested 
— John Endicott at Salem — The Church at Salem: 1620. 

Mr. Allerton arrived safely in England, and delivered 
the letters to their friends there, acquainting them with 
his instructions. He found them willing to join in the 
trading-partnership, and in the expense of sending over 
the Leyden people, some of whom had already left Holland 
and were prepared to come over, so they were sent off 
before Mr. Allerton was ready to leave. They took pas- 
sage on the ships that came to Salem, which brought over 
many godly persons to begin the settlements and churches 
of Christ there and in the Bay of Massachusetts. So 
their friends here were rewarded for their long delay with 
double blessing, in that they not only enjoyed them now, 
when so recently all their hopes had seemed to be blasted; 
but with them came other godly friends and Christian 
brethren, to plant a still larger harvest unto the Lord, 
for the increase of his churches and people in these parts. 
It was to the astonishment of many and almost to the 
wonder of the world, that from so small a beginning such 
great things should ensue, — as in due time was manifested; 
and that there should be a resting place for so many of the 
Lord's people here, when so sharp a scourge had come 
upon their own nation. But it was the Lord's doing, and it 
ought to be marvellous in our eyes. 

I will here insert some of their friends' letters, which 
|)est ejcpress their own attitude towards these proceedings. 

m 



202 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Two letters from James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford 
at New Plymouth:. 

Sir, 

With this there are many more of our friends from Leyden 
coming over to you, whose arrival, though mostly a weak body, 
is the fulfillment, in part, of our purpose, so strongly opposed by 
some of the former adventurers. But God has His working in 
these things, which man cannot frustrate. We have also sent 
some servants in the ship Talbot, that sailed lately; but the Leyden 
contingent come in the Mayflower. Mr. Beauchamp and myself, 
with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherley, have, with your good will, 
joined your partnership, etc. 

May 2Sih, 1629. 

Your power of attorney has been received, and the goods have 
been sold by your friend and agent, Mr. Allerton, I having been 
in Holland nearly three months, at Amsterdam and in other parts 
of the Low Countries. I see, also, the agreement you have made 
with the main body of the settlers, and think you have done very 
well, both for them, for you, and for 3'our friends at Leyden. 
Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and myself so 
thoroughly approve of it, that we are willing to join you, and, 
God directing us, will assist you the best we possibly can. Indeed, 
had you not taken this course, I do not see how you could ever 
have accomplished the end originally aimed at. We know it must 
cause further delay in realizing profits, for most of those who 
we sent in May, and those now sailnig, though honest and good 
people, are not likely to be helpful at present — indeed, for some 
time they will be an expense to you and us. Had you not taken 
this wise and astute course, the main body of your colonists would 
probably have grudged their coming. Again, as you say well in 
your letter, the burden being now on the shoulders of only a few, 
you will manage it the better, having no discontent or contradic- 
tion, but all lovingly joined together in affection and counsel, so that 
God will no doubt bless and prosper your honest labours and en- 
deavours. So in all respects I consider you have been marvellously 
discreet and well-advised, and have no doubt it will give all 
parties satisfaction — I mean all who are reasonable and honest 
men, and make conscience of fulfilling their obligations to the 
uttermost, not with regard to their own private interests so much 
as the accomplishment of the good object for which this enterprise 
was first started. . . . Thus desiring the Lord to bless and prosper 
you and all yours, and all our honest endeavours, I rest. 

Your unfeigned and ever loving friend, 
London, March Sth, 1629. JAMES SHERLEY, 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 203 

I have mentioned here the coming of both these com- 
panies from Leyden, though they actually came at two 
different times. The former party, numbering 35 persons, 
sailed in May, and arrived here about August, 1629; the 
latter sailed at the beginning of March, and arrived here 
the latter end of May, 1630. Their expenses, according 
to Mr. Allerton's accounts, came to above ^550 (in addi- 
tion to their transportations from Salem and the Bay, 
where they and their goods were landed), viz.: their trans- 
portation from Holland to England, and their expenses 
while there, and their passages out here, with clothing pro- 
vided for them. I find in the account for the one party 
125 yards of kersey, 127 ells of linen, 66 pairs of shoes, 
with many other particulars. The cost of the other party 
is reckoned by families, some £50, some £40, some £30, — 
more or less, according to numbers, etc. Besides all this 
expense their friends here had to provide corn and other 
provisions for them till they could reap a crop, which was 
some time. Those that came in May had to be maintained 
upwards of 16 to 18 months; the others proportionately. 
All they could do in the meantime was to build houses 
and prepare land for planting next season. The expenses 
of maintaining them all this time was little less than the 
former sum. I make special note of this for various 
reasons: first, to show a rare example of brotherly love 
and Christian care in performing their promises to their 
brethren. Secondly, to prove that there was more than the 
work of man in these achievements, — thus successfully to 
have persuaded such able friends to join them in the en- 
terprise, and to stand by them so faithfully in the face of 
such risks, most of them never having seen their faces to 
this day; it must needs be, therefore, the special work of 
God. Thirdly, that these poor people here in a wilderness 
should, notwithstanding, be able in time to repay all their 



204 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

engagements, and others unjustly put upon them through 
unfaithful service, besides other great losses which they 
sustained, all of which will be related if the Lord be pleased 
to give me life and time. In the meantime I cannot help 
but wonder at His ways and works towards His servants, 
and humbly desire to bless His holy name for His great 
mercies hitherto. 

The Leyden people having come over, and several mem- 
bers of the general body of the settlers seeing how great 
the expense was likely to be, began to murmur at it, not- 
withstanding the burden lay on other men's shoulders, — 
especially at paying the three bushels of corn a year, accord- 
ing to the agreement. But to satisfy them, it was prom- 
ised that if they could do without it they would not demand 
it of them. And it never was paid, as will appear. 

Mr. Allerton's proceedings about the enlarging and con- 
firming of the patents, both at home and at Kennebec, 
are best explained in another letter of Mr. Sherley's. 
Though much time and money was expended, he left it 
unaccomphshed this year, and came without them. 

James Sherley in England to the New Plymouth Colony: 

Most worthy and loving Friends, 

Some of your letters I received in July, and some since through 
Mr. Pierce ; but till our main business, the patent, was granted, I 
could not settle my mind or pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so 
turmoiled about it, that I neither would nor could have undertaken 
it, if I had been paid a thousand pounds ; but the Lord so blessed 
his labours that he obtained the love and favour of important men 
of repute and position. He got granted from the Earl of War- 
wick and Sir Ferdinand Gorges all that Mr. Winslow desired in 
his letters to me, and more besides, which I leave him to relate. 
Then he sued to the king to confirm their grant, and to make you 
a corporation, and so to enable you to make and execute laws 
as freely as the government of Massachusetts. This the king 
graciously granted, referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order 
tp the solicitor to draw it up, if there were a precedent for it. So 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 205 

the Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and also the solicitor; 
but as Festus said to Paul: With no small sum of money obtained 
I this freedom. For, by the way, many riddles had to be solved, 
and many locks must be opened with the silver, nay, the golden 
key! Then it came to the Lord Treasurer, to have his warrant 
for making you custom-free for a certain time ; but he would not 
do it, and referred it to the Council Table. And there Mr. Allerton 
attended day by day, when they sat, but could not get his petition 
read; and as Mr. Pierce was waiting with all the passengers at 
Bristol, he was forced to leave the further prosecution of it to a 
solicitor. But there is no fear nor doubt but that it will be granted, 
— for the chief of them are friendly ; but he should certainly return 
by the first ship that comes, for if you had this confirmed, you 
would be in a position to govern with the power befitting your 
rank and the position God has called you to, and to stop the mouths 
of the base and scurrilous individuals who are ready to question 
and threaten you in every action. Besides, if you are freed of 
customs dues for seven years inward and twenty-one outward, the 
expense of the patent will be soon covered; and there is no doubt 
of ultimately obtaining it. But such things must work by degrees, 
—they cannot be hastened; so we (I write on behalf of all our 
partners here) beg you to urge Mr. Allerton to come, and his 
wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this important 
business, which will be so much for your good, and I hope for that 
of your posterity for many generations to come. 

Thus much of this letter; it was dated March 19th, 
1629; but the fact of the matter was (as came out later), 
it was Mr. Allerton's object to have an opportunity to be 
sent over again for purposes of his own; and with that 
idea he requested them to write thus. The extension of the 
patent might easily have been finished, omitting the clause 
about the customs (which was Mr. Allerton's and Mr. 
Sherley's device), it having passed the king's hand. But 
covetousness never brings anything home, as the proverb 
says ; and this opportunity being lost, it was never accom- 
plished, though a great deal of money was vainly and lav- 
ishly expended on it. But of this more in its place. 

I almost omitted to mention that this year Mr. Allerton 
gave them great and just offence by bringing over the un- 



206 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

worthy Morton, who had been sent home only the year 
before for his misdemeanours. He not only brought him 
over, but into the very town (as if to beard them), and 
lodged him at his own house, employing him as his secre- 
tary till he was forced to send him away. So he returned 
to his old nest in Massachusetts, where it was not long 
before his misconduct gave them proper cause to appre- 
hend him, and he was again sent by them a prisoner to 
England, where he lay a good time in Exeter Gaol. For, 
besides his misdeeds here, he was strongly suspected of 
the murder of a man who had ventured money with him, 
when he first came to New England. A warrant had been 
sent from the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend him, by 
virtue of which the Governor of Massachusetts sent him 
to England; and as punishment for his misdemeanours 
there, they demolished his house, so that it might no longer 
be a roost for such unclean birds to nestle in. But he got 
free again, and wrote an infamous and scurrilous book full 
of lies and slanders against many godly men of the country 
in high position, and of profane calumnies against their 
names and persons, and tlie ways of God. After several 
years, when tlie war was at its height in England, he re- 
turned to the country, and was imprisoned at Boston, for 
the book and other things, having grown old in wickedness. 
As for the rest of Mr. Allerton's instructions, enjoining 
him not to exceed the £$o worth of goods before mentioned, 
nor to bring any but trading commodities, he ignored 
them, and brought over many other kinds of retail goods, 
selling what he could by the way on his own account, 
and delivering them the rest, which he said were theirs. 
Of trading goods he brought scarcely any, making excuses 
that they had expended so much on the Leyden people, 
the patent, etc. As regards exceeding his instructions, 
he laid the responsibility on Mr. Sherley, etc. He prom- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 207 

ised that next year they should have whatever trading 
goods they sent for. In this way he put them off, and 
though Mr, Sherley had written somewhat bearing out his 
statements, he was probably over-ruled by Mr. Allerton 
to do so. 

The following is a still further extract from his former 
letter, bearing on this: 

I see what you write in your letters concerning the paying of our 
debts, which I confess are great, and need to be carefully watched. 
But let us not fulfill the proverb; to spend a shilling on a purse 
and put sixpence in it; nor think by the expenditure of £50 a year 
to raise means to pay our debts ; you need to be well supplied and 
fully provided, — and, chiefly, lovingly to agree. 

This shows that there was a kind of concurrence between 
Mr. Allerton and the adventurers in England about these 
things, and that they had more regard for his opinion 
than for the advice sent from here. This troubled them 
greatly here, not knowing how to help it, and being loth 
to make any breach. Another more private difficulty was 
that Mr. Allerton had married the daughter of their rever- 
end elder, Mr. Brewster, who was beloved and honoured 
by them, taking great pains in dispensing and teaching 
the word of God to them, and whom they were loth to 
grieve in any way ; so they bore with much for that reason. 

Again, Mr. Allerton procured such letters from Mr. 
Sherley, with such applause of his wisdom, care, and faith- 
fulness, that as things stood, none seemed so fit to send as 
he. Besides, though private gain, I feel sure, was one 
cause of Mr. Allerton's doings, I think, or at least charity 
leads me to hope, that he intended to deal faithfully with 
his partners here in the main. But things fell out other- 
wise and missed their aim, and the settlement in general 
suffered considerably in consequence, as will appear. 



208 BRADFORD'S; HISTORY OF 

Along the same lines was another plan of Mr. Allerton's 
and his friends, unknown to the other partners here, until 
it was so far proceeded with that they felt obliged to sanc- 
tion it and join with them, though they did not like it and 
mistrusted the outcome. It is explained in another ex- 
tract from Mr. Sherley's letter, as follows : 

I wish to acquaint you that we have thought good to become 
partners in a separate venture w^ith one Edward Ashley — a man I 
think some of you know — but it only concerns the place for which 
he has a patent in Mr. Beauchamp's name. For this purpose we 
have supplied him plentifully with provisions, etc. If you wish to 
join us as partners in this, we are willing you should. Hearing 
how anxious Bristol men were to join the enterprise and supply 
him, expecting good profits, we thought it important that we should 
not to miss such opportunity. He, on his side, like a shrewd man, 
thought it better to join with those who already had a settlement 
to back him there, than with strangers. It is not known that you 
are in the partnership, but only we four, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beau- 
champ, myself, and Mr. Hatherley, who entered upon it in view 
of the great loss we have already sustained in the first plantation 
there. But as I said before, if you wish to join with us, we are 
willing you should. Mr. AUerton had no power from you to make 
this new contract, nor was he willing to do anj-thing without your 
consent. Mr. William Pierce joined with us because of landing 
Ashley and his goods there. He has a new boat with him, and 
boards to make another, with four or five strong fellows, one of 
whom is a carpenter. In case you are not willing to join us, 
fearing the expense and doubting the success, we beg you to afford 
him all the help you can, either with men, goods, or boats, and 
we will pay you for anything that he has. We wish you to keep the 
accounts separate, even if you join us, because there are partners 
in this enterprise who are not in the other ; so charge him with 
men's wages, boat-hire, or goods; and anything you receive from 
him, charge to the colony. 

And now loving friends and partners, if you join in Ashley's 
project, we having found the money to stock this business and the 
other, it seems reasonable that you should bear your share of the 
stock, if not in money, by security to that amount. I hope in 
God, by His blessing and your honest endeavour, it may soon be 
paid; but the term of the partnership is not long, so it behoves us 
all to make the best use of the time that we possibly can, and let 
every one put his shoulder to the burden and it will be lighter. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 209 

I know you will consider this carefully, and return a satisfactory 
answer. None of us woud have risked this, except as a support 
to your own enterprise. 

There is no likelihood of doing any good by attempting to buy 
the debts for the purchase of the old adventurer's shares. I know 
some would not forego their interest, so let it run its course ; it is 
arranged they are to be paid yearly, and so I hope they will be, 
according to agreement. The Lord grant that our loves and affec- 
tions may still be united and knit together; and so we rest your 
ever loving friends, 

JAMES SHERLEY. 

TIMOTHY HATHERLEY. 
Bristol, March igth, 1629. 

This matter of buying the debts of the purchase was part 
of Mr. Allerton's instructions, and in many instances it 
might have been done to advantage for ready cash; but 
Mr. Sherley dishked it. The Ashley enterprise troubled 
them much, for though he had ability enough to manage 
the business, he was known to be a very profane young 
man; and he had for some time lived among the Indians 
as a savage, naked like them, adopting their manners and 
customs, and in the meantime acquiring their language; 
so they feared he might not keep straight, though he prom- 
ised better things. As soon as he landed at the place in- 
tended, called Penobscot, some four score leagues from 
this place, he wrote (and afterwards came) desiring to be 
supplied with wampum, corn for the winter, and other 
things. They bethought them that these were their chief 
commodities, and would be continually needed by him, 
and it would thus be greatly to the prejudice of their own 
trade at Kennebec, if, though they did not join the part- 
nership, they should still have to supply him ; on the other 
hand, if they should both refuse to join the partnership 
and to supply him, they would greatly offend their friends 
in England, and might possibly lose them. Again, Ashley 
and Mr. Allerton, laying their crafty wits together, might 



210 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

get supplies elsewhere; and whether they joined in it or 
not, they knew Mr. AUerton would do so, and then he 
would swim, as it were, between both, to the prejudice of 
both, — but especially of themselves. They had reason 
to think this scheme was chiefly of his contriving, and 
Ashley was a fit tool. So, to prevent worse mischief, they 
resolved to enter the new partnership, and gave him sup- 
plies of what they could, and kept a watch on his doings 
as well as they could. To do so more effectively, tliey asso- 
ciated with him, as an equal, as it were, and not merely 
as a servant, a steady young man who had come from 
Leyden; and as he was discreet, and could be trusted, 
tliey were able to give him such instructions as kept Ashley 
within bounds. So they replied to their friends in Eng- 
land tliat they accepted their offer and joined with them 
in Ashley's enterprise, but told them what their fears were 
in regard to him. 

When they had received full account of all the goods 
sent over to them that year, they saw they were very short 
of trading goods, and that Ashley was far better supplied 
than themselves. They were even forced to buy supplies 
from the fishermen, and such things as cotton, kersey, 
and other cloth from Mr. Allerton himself, and so to dis- 
pose of a large part of their beaver at reduced rates over 
here, instead of sending it home to help discharge their 
debts. This vexed them greatly, but Mr. Allerton assured 
them that next year they should have whatever they wrote 
for. Their engagements for this year were large indeed, — 
when they came to know them, which was not till two years 
after; and were increased by Mr. Allerton raising large 
sums at Bristol at 50 per cent again, which he insisted he 
was forced to do, otherwise he could have got no goods 
transported by the fishing ships in the spring, — such was 
their ill-will towards the trade of the colony. But whether 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 211 

this was any more than an excuse, some of them doubted; 
however, the burden lay on their shoulders, and they must 
bear it, — as they did many other heavy loads before the 
end. 

This necessity of paying 50 per cent, and the difficulty 
of having their goods transported by the fishing ships 
early in the year during the best season for trade, put them 
upon another project. Mr. Allerton after the fishing sea- 
son was over, secured a bargain in salt, at a good fishing 
place, and bought it. It came to about iii3, and shortly 
after he might have got £30 clear profit for it, without 
any trouble. But Mr. Winslow and some of the other 
partners coming tliat way from Kennebec in the bark, 
met Mr. Allerton, and persuaded him not to sell the salt, 
but suggested keeping it for themselves, and hiring a ship 
in the west country to come fishing for them on shares, 
as was the custom. Her salt being here already, and a 
dock built where it lay safely housed, instead of bringing 
salt, they might load her full of trading goods without 
paying freight, and receive them in plenty of time, which 
would be greatly to their advantage. On arrival at New 
Plymouth this plan was discussed, and approved by all 
but the Governor, who was against it, as they had always 
lost by fishing; but the rest were strongly in favour of it, 
believing that they might make good profits by the fish- 
ing; and even if they should only save a little, or actually 
lose something by it, the advantage of getting early sup- 
plies would be ample return. So he gave way, and it 
was referred to their friends in England, to allow or dis- 
allow it. Of this, more in its place. 

Considering what had to be done about the patents and 
in what state it had been left, and owing to Mr. Sherley's 
earnest wish to have Mr. Allerton come over to finish 
it and complete the accounts, etc., it was decided to send 



212 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

him over again this year, — though it was with some fear 
and jealousy. However, he made them fair promises to 
perform all their business according to tlieir directions, and 
to redeem his former errors. So he was accordingly sent 
with full instructions, and with long letters to Mr, Sherley 
and the rest, both about Ashley's business and their own; 
stating how essential it was that they be supplied with 
trading commodities, what they had suffered through want 
of them, and of what little use other goods were in com- 
parison. They fully explained about the fishing ship that 
was to be hired and loaded with trading goods, to supply 
both tliem and Ashley, and the advantages to be gained. 
It was left to their decision to hire and fit her out, or not ; 
but under no circumstances to send one unless she were 
loaded with trading goods. But what happened will appear 
in the account of next year's doings. 

I almost omitted another occurrence at the beginning of 
this year. A Mr. Ralph Smith and his wife and family 
had come over to the Bay of Massachusetts, and lived at 
present with some straggling people at Nantasket. A boat 
from here putting in there on one occasion, he earnestly 
begged them to give him and his family passage to New 
Plymouth, with such effects as they could take; he had 
heard that it was likely he might procure houseroom here 
for some time, till he might decide to settle here if per- 
mitted, or elsewhere, as God should dispose ; he was weary 
of being in that uncouth place, and in such a poor house 
that it kept neither him nor his effects dry. So, as he 
was a grave man and they understood he had been a min- 
ister, they brought him, though they had no orders to do 
so. He was kindly entertained here, and housed, and 
later he had the rest of his goods and servants sent for 
and exercised his gifts among them. Afterwards he was 
chosen to the ministry and remained there several years. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 213 

It was mentioned before, that several of those who came 
from Leyden, sailed in ships that went to Salem, where 
Mr. Endicott had chief command. Diseases which had 
developed among the passengers at sea, infected those 
ashore, and many died; some of scurvy, others of an infec- 
tious fever which was amongst them for some time, though 
our people, through God's goodness, escaped it. Where- 
upon Mr. Endicott wrote for help, understanding that one 
of them at New Plymouth had some skill as a physician, 
and had cured several of scurvy, and others of various 
diseases, by letting blood and other means. So he sent to 
the Governor here, requesting him to send him to them. 
The Governor complied, and wrote to him, receiving a 
letter in reply. This letter, though brief, shows the begin- 
ning of their acquaintance ; and as a manifestation of the 
truth and of the ways of God, I thought it fitting and 
profitable to insert it here. 



Governor John Endicott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New 
Plymouth: 

Right Worthy Sir, 

It is an unusual thing that servants of one master and of the 
same household should be strangers ! I assure you I do not desire it, 
— nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God's people 
are all marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one 
and the same seal, and have in the main, one and the same heart, 
guided by one and the same spirit of truth ; and where this is, 
there can be no discord, — nay, there must needs be sweet harmony. 
And so I pray the Lord that we may, as Christian brethren, be 
united with you by a heavenly and unfeigned love; bending all 
our hearts and forces in furthering a work beyond our strength, 
with reverence and fear, and fastening our eyes always on Him 
Who is able to direct and prosper all our ways. I am much be- 
holden to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller 
among us, and rejoice at what I hear from him of your attitude 
towards the outward form of God's worship. It is, as far as I can 
gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and 
the same which I have maintained and professed ever since the 



214 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Lord in His mercy revealed Himself unto me, — though very differ- 
ent from the common report of you that has been spread about. 
But God's children must look for no less here below; and it is 
the great mercy of God that He strengthens them to go through 
with it. I need not be tedious to you now, for, God willing, I 
purpose to see j-our face shortly. In the meantime I humbly take 
my leave of you, committing you to the Lord's blessed protection, 
and rest, 

Your assured loving friend, 
Naumkeag, May nth, 1629. JOHN ENDICOTT. 

A second letter received this year shows the progress 
of their church affairs at Salem, w^hich was the second 
church erected in these parts. Afterwards the Lord estab- 
lished many more in several places. 

Charles Gott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth: 

Sir, 

I make bold to trouble j'ou with a few lines to inform you how 
it has pleased God to deal with us since you heard from us; how, 
notwithstanding all the opposition here and elsewhere, it has pleased 
God to lay a foundation which I hope is agreeable to His word 
in every way. It pleased the Lord to move the heart of our 
Governor to set apart July loth as a solemn day of humiliation 
for the choice of a pastor and a teacher. The first part of the day 
was used for prayer and teaching, the latter part for the election, 
which was held in this way. The persons nominated, who had 
been ministers in England, were questioned concerning their calling. 
They acknowledged there was a twofold calling; the one an in- 
ward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of a man to take 
that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts for it; the second 
an outward calling from the people, when a body of believers join 
together in covenant, to walk in all the ways of God ; every male 
member having a free voice in the choice of the officers, etc. Now, 
we being satisfied that these two men were so qualified, as the 
apostle tells Timothy: A bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to 
teach, etc., — I think I may say, as the eunuch said to Philip: What 
should hinder him from being baptised, seeing there was water, and 
he believed. So these two servants of God, giving full satisfaction 
by their answers and being thus fitted, we saw no reason why we 
might not freely vote for their election. Mr. Skelton was chosen 
pastor, and Mr. Higginson teacher; and they, accepting the choice. 



THE PLY^IOUTH SETTLEIMENT 215 

Mr. Higginson, with three or four of the gravest members of the 
church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, with prayer. After this 
there was imposition of hands on Mr. Higginson. Since then, 
Tlmrsday (being as I take it the 6th of August) has been appointed 
for another day of humihation, for the choice of elders and deacons, 
and for ordaining them. 

And now, good Sir, I hope that you and the rest of God's people 
with you, who are acquainted with the ways of God, will say that 
herein a right foundation was laid, and that these two blessed 
servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not at the window. 
Thus I have made bold to trouble you with these few lines, desiring 
you to remember us. . . . And so rest. 

At your service in what I may, 
Salem, July 20th 1629. CHARLES GOTT. 



CHAPTER XI 

Ashley's begiimlngs — Arrival of Hatherley on the Friend- 
ship and AUerton on the AVTiite Angel — Hatherley examines 
the affairs of the Colony — Failure of AUerton's fishing voyage 
on the White Angel — Ashley apprehended and sent to England 
—Discharge of Allerton from his Agency — The first Execution 
—Day of Humiliation appointed for Boston, Salem, Charles- 
town, and New PljTuouth: 1630. 

Ashley, being well supplied, had quickly gathered a good 
parcel of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, 
and would not pay for the goods he had from here, but 
let them stand charged against him, and drew still more. 
Though they knew his object well enough, they let him go 
on, and wrote about it to England. However, owing to 
the beaver they received there and sold (which appealed 
to them as business men) and Mr. AUerton's high praise 
of him, tliey were more eager to supply him than the colony, 
and even somewhat disparaged it in comparison. 

They were also forced to buy him a bark, and equip her 
with a captain and men to transport his corn and provisions, 
of which he used large quantities; for the Indians of those 
parts grew no corn, and at harvest time, when the corn 
here is ready, the weather is so bad and the season so 
dangerous that a shallop is no good for the purpose. 

This spring the settlers looked anxiously for timely sup- 
plies in the fishing ship which they expected, and for 
which they had been at the expense of keeping a dock. 
But no ship came, nor were any goods heard of. Later 
they learned that supplies had been sent to Ashley by a 
fishing ship, which puzzled them, — the more so that they 

216 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 217 

had received no letters from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Sherley. 
However, they carried on their business as well as they 
could. At last they heard of the arrival of Mr. Pierce at 
the Bay of Massachusetts, with passengers and goods. 
They sent a shallop at once, supposing he would have some- 
thing for them. But he told them he had nothing, and 
that a ship had been sent out fishing, but after eleven weeks 
beating at sea she met with such foul weather that she 
was forced to return to England, and the season being 
over she gave up the voyage. Nor had he heard much 
about goods in her for the settlers, or that she belonged 
to them, though he had heard something of that kind from 
Mr. Allerton. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, 
in which he was coming, which was to fish for bass to the 
eastward, and was bringing goods, etc. These reports 
troubled them and much astonished them. Mr. Winslow 
having been eastward brought similar news with more par- 
ticulars, and that probably Mr. Allerton would not arrive 
till late. At length, having an opportunity, they resolved 
to send Mr. Winslow to England with what beaver they 
had ready, to see how their business stood, being dubious 
about it, especially Mr. Allerton's behaviour. They wrote 
letters, and gave him such instructions as they thought 
proper — and if he found things unsatisfactory he was to 
discharge Mr. Allerton from being agent and from dealing 
any more for them in the business, and he was to see 
how the accounts stood, etc. 

About the middle of summer arrives Mr, Hatherley, one 
of the partners, at the Bay of Massachusetts, having come 
over in the ship that was sent fishing, called the Friend- 
ship. They sent to him at once, not doubting that now 
their goods had come, and they would know how every- 
thing stood. They found the news was true, that this 
ship had been so long at sea and her provisions had been 



218 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

so largely consumed or spoiled, that she abandoned the 
voyage. He himself had been sent over by the rest of 
the partners to see how things went here. He v/as at 
Bristol with Mr. Allerton in the ship they had bought 
called the White Angel, which was all ready to set sail, 
when that night came a messenger to Mr. Allerton from 
Barnstable, and told him of the return of the fishing-ship 
Friendship, and what had happened. He, not knowing 
what to do, the ship lying there at his expense ready to 
set sail, got Mr. Hatherley to go and discharge her and take 
order for the goods. To be short, they found Mr. Hatherley 
somewhat reserved and troubled, Mr. Allerton not being 
there, and not knowing how to dispose of the goods till he 
came; but he said he heard he had arrived by the White 
Angel, to eastward, and expected to meet him there. He 
told them there was not much for them in the Friendship, 
— only two parcels of Barnstable rugs, and two hogsheads 
of methylene in wooden flackets. When these flackets 
came to be examined, only six gallons of the two hogsheads 
remained, the rest having been drunk up under the name 
"leakage." For the rest, the ship was laden with goods 
for various gentlemen and others who had come to settle 
in Massachusetts, for which they had paid freight by the 
ton. This was all the satisfaction they could get at present. 
They took this small lot of goods and returned with the 
news, and a letter as obscure, as follows: 

James Sherley in England to the Colonists at New Plymouth:. 

Gentlemen, Partners, and loving Friends, 

Briefly thus : we have this year fitted out both a fishing ship and a 
trading ship. The latter we have bought, and so have disbursed a 
great deal of money as will appear by our accounts. This trading 
ship, the White Angel, is however to perform two duties : fishing 
for bass and trading; and lest, while Mr. Allerton is employed 
trading, the fishing might suffer by neglect of the sailors, we have 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 219 

begged our mutual friend, Mr. Hatherley, to go over with him, 
knowing he will be a comfort to Mr. Allerton, and that it will be 
a joy to you to see a careful, loving friend, and one who is a 
great stay to the business. If it should please God that one should 
die, — as God forbid, — the survivor would keep the accounts and the 
other matters straight. We have now spent large sums of money, 
as they will acquaint you. . . . When it was only four or five 
hundred pounds a piece, we did not trouble much about it, but left 
it to you and your agent, who without flattery deserves infinite 
thanks both from you and us for his pains. . . . But now that our 
ventures are double, nay treble for some of us, we have decided 
to send over our friend Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to enter- 
tain kindly. The main object of sending him is to examine the 
accounts and report on the condition of the business, about all of 
which we beg you to inform him fully. I will not promise, but 
shall endeavour to obtain the grant of your patent as desired, and 
that ere long. Pray do not take anything unkindly; I have not 
written out of suspicion of any unjust dealing. Be you all kindly 
saluted in the Lord, so I rest, 

Yours in what I may, 
March 2Sth, 1630. JAMES SHERLEY. 

It is not surprising that these things troubled them. 
First, there w^as this fishing ship which had been fitted out, 
laden with other goods and scarcely any of theirs, though 
their main object was that he should bring them ample 
supplies, and their special orders were not to fit out a ship 
except for this purpose; and now to have the expenses 
charged to their account, though clean contrary to their 
orders, was a mystery they could not understand, — the 
more serious seeing that she had lost both her voyage and 
her provisions. Secondly, that another ship should be 
bought, and sent out on business never thought of by any 
here, much less intimated to their friends in England either 
by word or letter, was equally inexplicable. Bass fishing 
was never favoured by them, and as soon as ever they heard 
of this project they foresaw loss. As for Mr. Allerton's 
trading for them, it never entered their thoughts. Thirdly, 
that their friends should complain of disbursements, and 



220 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

yet incur such great risks contrary to all orders, seemed 
very strange, — all these important projects being wrapped 
up in a brief and obscure letter. But amidst all their doubts 
they must have patience till Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hath- 
erley arrived. In the meantime Mr. Winslow had gone to 
England, and the rest of them were forced to follow their 
employments as best they could. 

At length Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton came, and 
finding those at the settlement very depressed about it, 
Mr. Allerton told them that the White Angel did not be- 
long to them, and had not been bought on their account ; 
they need not have anything to do with her unless they 
wished. Mr. Hatherley confirmed this, and said that they 
wanted him to put in his share but he had refused. How- 
ever, he questioned whether they v/ould not charge her to 
the general account, if there were a loss, — which he now 
saw was likely, — seeing that Mr. Allerton had proposed 
the undertaking. As for the fishing ship, he told them they 
need not be anxious; and he produced her accounts, which 
showed that her first fitting out did not much exceed i6oo. 
On the failure of the first voyage, at her return, he had sold 
goods out of her in England, and applied the money to 
the second voyage, which, together with such goods and 
implements as Mr. Allerton would need for fishing, such 
as salt, nets, spikes, nails, etc., would amount to nearly 
£400. As for this second voyage it would show a profit 
on the freight of the goods, and the sale of some cattle 
which would be paid for partly here and partly by bills in 
England. So the total loss, which would not be much 
above £200, would be all they would have to bear on this 
account. Mr. Hatherley also told them he was sent over 
as the agent of those in England, and that whatever he 
and Mr. Allerton did jointly they would stand by; that 
they would not sanction what Mr. Allerton did alone, un- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIMENT 221 

less they wished; but what he (Mr. Hatherley) did alone 
they would guarantee. So they sold him and Mr. AUerton 
all the rest of their stock of goods, and gave them posses- 
sion of them ; and a statement was drawn up in writing, and 
confirmed under both Mr. Allerton's and Mr. Hatherley's 
hands, to the above effect. Mr. Allerton being best ac- 
quainted with tlie people, sold all such goods as he had no 
need of for fishing, as nine shallop-sails made of good new 
canvas, and tfie roads for them, all new, and several such 
useful things, for beaver, by Mr. Hatherley's permission. 
Thus they thought they had well p'rovided for themselves. 
However those at the colony censured Mr. Allerton for 
entering upon this project, doubting its success. Mr. 
Allerton brought to the town, after he had sold what he 
could elsewhere, a great quantity of other goods, besides 
trading commodities; as linen, bed-ticks, stockings, tape, 
pins, rugs, etc., and said they could have them if they 
wished. But they told him they had forbidden him before 
to bring any such things on their account, as it would 
injure their trade and reduce their returns. But he and 
Mr. Hatherley said if they would not take them they 
would sell them themselves, and take corn for what they 
could not sell otherwise. They told them they might, if 
they had instructions to do so. These goods came to up- 
wards of £500. 

Mr. Allerton then went off on his bass fishing; and Mr. 
Hatherley, as ordered, after examining the affairs of the 
settlement, about all of which they informed him fully, 
asked for a boat to go and visit the trading-house at Ken- 
nebec and Ashley at Penobscot, They accordingly sup- 
plied him with a boat and men for the voyage, and ac- 
quainted him thoroughly with everything. He was fully 
satisfied, and now saw plainly that Mr. Allerton played 
his own game, not only to the great detriment of the part- 



222 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

ners at the colony who employed and trusted him, but to 
that of the partners in England also, by prejudicing them 
against the settlement, assuring them that they would 
never be able to recoup themselves for their great expenses 
if they would not follow his advice and support his projects. 
Mr. Hatherley disclosed, besides, a further scheme in con- 
nection with this ship the White Angel. It appeared that 
as she was well fitted with good ordnance, and known to 
have made a great fight at sea in which she came off vic- 
torious, they had agreed with Mr. Allerton that after she 
had brought her cargo of goods here and had loaded with 
fish, she would go to Oporto, and there be sold, freight, 
ordnance, and all. But this was prevented partly by the \ 
advice given by their friends here to Mr. Allerton and Mr. 
Hatherley, showing how it might ruin their friends in Eng- 
land, who were men of property, should it become known, — 
and in the interests of the colony they utterly disallowed 
it, and protested against it ; and partly by their ill success, 
for they had arrived too late to do any good with the 
fishing, and had brought such a drunken crew that neither 
Mr. Allerton nor any one else could keep them in order, as 
Mr. Hatherley and every one could see to their shame. 
Ashley also was caught in a trap before Mr. Hatherley 
returned, for trading powder and shot to the Indians, He 
was apprehended by those in authority, who would have 
confiscated over a thousand weight of beaver, but that the 
Governor here showed a bond, under Ashley's hand, to 
the amount of £500, not to trade any arms or ammunition 
to the Indians, or otherwise misbehave himself. It was 
proved, besides, that he had committed uncleanness with 
Indian women, — things feared at the outset. So their 
goods were freed, but he was sent home in custody. To 
make an end of him, after some time of imprisonment in 
the Fleet, by means of friends he was set at liberty, and 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 223 

Intended to come over again, but the Lord prevented it; 
for he had an ofifer made to him by some merchants to go 
to Russia, owing to his skill in the beaver trade, which he 
accepted, and on returning home was drowned at sea. This 
w^as his end. 

Mr. Hatherley, fully conversant with the state of affairs, 
was satisfied, and able to inform them how things stood 
between Mr. Allerton and the colony. In fact he discov- 
ered that Mr. Allerton had got the better of him, too, and 
had taken possession of the things for which Mr, Hatherley 
stood jointly responsible to the partners here, as concerned 
the Friendship, besides most of tlie freight money, and 
some of his own private property. About this, however, 
more will appear in due course. He returned to England 
and they sent a good quantity of beaver with him to the 
rest of the partners ; so both he and it were very welcome 
to them. 

Mr. Allerton was busied with his own affairs and re- 
turned with his White Angel, being no longer employed by 
the settlement. But these troubles were not ended till 
many years after, nor fully realized for a long time, being 
folded up in obscurity and kept in the clouds to the great 
loss and vexation of the colony. In the end, for peace' 
sake they were forced to bear the unjust burden of them 
almost to their undoing, as will appear if God give me 
life to finish this history. 
. They sent letters by Mr. Hatherley to the partners in 
England, to show them how they had settled with Mr. 
Hatherley and Mr. Allerton for the Friendship's account, 
and that they both affirmed that the White Angel did not 
belong to them in any way, and that therefore their ac- 
count must not be charged with it. They also wrote to 
Mr. Winslow, their agent, that he, too, should protest 
against it in tlieir names, should any such thing be intended 



224 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

and that they would never permit it. They also signified 
that they dismissed Mr. Allerton wholly from being their 
agent, or from having anything to do with any of their 
business. 

This year John BiUington the elder, one of those who 
came over first, was arraigned, and both by grand and 
petty jury found guilty of wilful murder by plain and 
notorious evidence, and was accordingly executed. 

This, the first execution among them, was a great sad- 
ness to them. They took all possible pains in the trial, 
and consulted Mr. Winthrop, and the other leading men 
at the Bay of Massachusetts recently arrived, who con- 
curred with them that he ought to die, and the land be 
purged of blood. He and some of his relatives had often 
been punished for misconduct before, being one of the 
profanest families among them. They came from London, 
and I know not by what influence they were shuffled 
Into the first body of settlers. The charge against him was 
that he waylaid a young man, one John Newcomin, about 
a former quarrel, and shot him with a gun, whereof he died. 

Having by good fortune a letter or two that came into 
my hands concerning the proceedings of their reverend 
friends at the Bay of Massachusetts, who had lately come 
over, I thought it not amiss to insert them here, before 
concluding this year. 



Sir, 

Being at Salem on Sunday, the 2Sth of July, after the evening 
service Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Governor, Mr. John 
Winthrop, saying that the hand of God was upon them at Boston 
and those at Charlestown, visiting them with sickness and taking 
many from amongst them, the righteous suffering with the wicked 
in these bodily judgments. He desired the godly here to take into 
consideration what was to be done to pacify Ae Lord's wrath, etc. 
It was concluded that the Lord was to be sought in righteousness; 
and to that end, the 6th day (Friday) of this present week, has 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 225 

been set apart that they may humble themselves before God and 
seek Him in His ordinances. On that day such godly persons 
as are amongst them, and known to each other, will at the end 
of 'the service publicly make known their godly desire, and practice 
it, viz., that they solemnly enter into covenant with the Lord to 
walk in His ways. As those who have agreed to keep this day 
live at three different places, each settlement having men of 
ability among them, they decided to form themselves into three 
distinct bodies, not intending to proceed hastily to the choice of 
officers, or the admission of others to their society, except a few 
well-known to them, promising afterwards to receive by confession 
of faith such as appear to be qualified. They earnestly beg the 
church at New Plj-mouth to set apart the same day, for the same 
purpose, beseeching the Lord to withdraw the hand of correction 
from them, and to establish and direct them in His ways. And 
though the time be short we pray you to be instigated to this 
godly work, as the cause is so urgent, whereby God will be hon- 
oured, and they and v/e shall undoubtedly receive sweet comfort. 
Be you kindly saluted, etc. 

Your brethren in Christ, etc. 
Salem, July 26th, 1630. 

A member of the New Plymouth Settlement, staying at Charles- 
town, to a friend at New Plymouth: 

Sir, 

I have the sad news to impart that many here are sick and many 
dead, — the Lord in mercy look upon them. Some here have 
entered into church covenant. The first four were the Governor — 
Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Wilson; 
since then five more have joined, and others are hkely to follow 
daily. The Lord increase them both in number and in holiness, 
for His sake. There is a gentlemen here, Mr. Coddington, a Boston 
man, who told me that Mr. Cotton's advice at Hampton was that 
they should take counsel of those at New Plymouth, and should 
do nothing to offend them. There are many honest Christians 
desirous to see us, some because of the love they bear us and the 
good opinion they have of us ; others to see if we are so unworthy 
as they have heard. We have a name for holiness, and love towards 
God and his saints ; the Lord make us more and more worthy 
of it, and that it may be more than a name, or else it will do us 
no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. 
The Lord Jesus bless us, and the whole Israel of God. Amen. 

Your loving brother, etc. 
Charlestown, Aug. 2nd, 1630. 



226 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

Thus out of small beginnings greater things have grown 
by His hand Who made all things out of nothing, and 
gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle 
may light a thousand, so the light enkindled here has shone 
to many, yea, in a sense, to our whole nation ; let the glorious 
name of Jehovah have all the praise. 



CHAPTER Xn 

Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel and Friend- 
ship accounts — The White Angel let out to Allerton — Aller- 
ton's extravagance as agent — Josias Winslow sent from Eng- 
land as accountant — Penobscot robbed by the French — Sir 
Christopher Gardiner in New England — The Order of the Privy 
Council about New England: 1631. 

Ashley being taken away by the hand of God, and Mr. 
Allerton discharged from his employment, their business 
began to run smoothly again, since they were better able 
to guide it, Penobscot being now wholly in their control ; 
for though Mr, William Pierce had a share in it, as things 
stood he was glad to have his money repaid him and re- 
sign. Mr, Winslow sent them over some supplies from 
England as soon as he could, and when he arrived some 
time later he brought a large supply of suitable goods 
with him, by means of which their trading could be carried 
on successfully. Neither his representations nor the letters 
they wrote succeeded in preventing Mr. Sherley and the 
rest from charging both the Friendship and the White 
Angel to the general account, which was the cause of con- 
tinual contention thereafter. 

I will now insert a letter of Mr. Winslow's on the subject. 

Edward Winslow in England to Governor Bradford at New 

Plymoiith: 
Sir, 

It chanced by God's providence that I received and brought 
your letters per Mr. Allerton from Bristol to London; and I fear 
what the outcome will be. Mr. Allerton intended to fit out the ship 
again for fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews 
disclaim responsibility, protesting that but for us they would never 
have risked one penny; Mr. Hatherley takes no decided stand on 
either side. As to what you write about him and Mr. Allerton 

227 



228 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

taking the White Angel upon themselves on behalf of the partners 
here, the others insist that they never gave any such orders, nor 
will they make it good; if those two hke to be responsible for 
the account, well and good. What the upshot will be, I do not 
know. The Lord so direct and assist us that He may not be dis- 
honoured by our dissensions. I hear from a friend that I was 
much blamed for telling what I heard in the spring about the 
plans for seUing the ship in Spain ; but if I had not told you what 
I heard so peremptorily reported, — and which I offered to prove 
at Bristol,— I should certainly have been unworthy of my employ- 
ment. As to the power of attorney, given so long ago to Mr. 
Allerton, what we feared has happened: Mr. Sherley and the 
others have got it and will not surrender it, that being the instru- 
ment of our agents' credit to procure such sums. I expect bitter 
■words, hard thoughts, and sour looks from several for writing 
this, as for reporting the former information. I would I had a 
more thankful task, but I hope a good conscience will make it 
comfortable, etc. 
Nov. i6th, 1631. 

Thus far he. 

The deed mentioned above was given under their hand 
and seal w^hen Mr. Allerton was first employed by them, 
and its return was requested when they first began to sus- 
pect him. He told them it was among his papers, but 
he would find it and give it them before he went. When 
he was ready to go it was demanded again. He said he 
had not found it, but it was among his papers which he 
was taking with him, and he would send it by the boat 
coming from the eastward ; and then again it could not be 
found, but he would look it up at sea. Whether Mr. Sher- 
ley had it before or after this is not certain ; but having 
it, he would not let it go, and keeps it to this day. So even 
among friends men need to be careful whom they trust, 
and not let things of this nature lie long unrecalled. 

James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New. 

Plymouth: 
Sir, 

I have received your letter through our friends Mr. Allerton and 
Mr. Hatherley, who, blessed be God, have arrived safely at Bristol. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 229 

Mr. Hatherley has come to London, but Mr. Allerton I have not 
yet seen. We thank you, and are very glad you dissuaded him 
from the Spanish voyage, and that he did not fulfill his intentions ; 
for we all utterly disliked the project, as well as the fishing of the 
Friendship. We wished him to sell the salt, and were unwilling 
to have him undertake so much business, partly because of previous 
failure, and partly because we were loth to disburse so much money. 
But he assured us this would repay us, and that the colony would 
be long in doing so ; nay, I remember that he even doubted if by 
your trading there you could meet your expenses and pay us, 
and for this very reason he induced us to undertake that business 
with Ashley, though he was a stranger to us. . . . 

As to the cost of the fishing ship we are sorry it proves so heavy, 
and are willing to take our share of it. What Mr. Hatherley and 
Mr. Allerton have proposed no doubt they themselves will make 
good ; we gave them no authority to make any composition to 
separate 3'ou from us in this or any other scheme. Furthermore, 
I think you have no cause to forsake us, for we involved you in 
nothing but what your agent advocated and you in your letters 
desired. If he exceeded your authority I hope you will not blame 
us, much less leave us in the lurch, now that our money is ex- 
pended. . . . But I fear neither you nor we have been properly 
dealt with; for, as you write, surely one half of ^4000 — nay a 
quarter — in commodities, despatched in seasonable time, would 
have provided j'ou more effectively. Yet, in spite of all this and 
much more that I might write, I cannot but think him honest, and 
that his intentions were good ; but the wisest may fail. Well, 
now that it has pleased God to give us hope of agreeing, doubt not 
but we shall all endeavour to adjust these accounts fairly, as soon 
as we possibly can. I suppose you sent over Mr. Winslow and 
we Mr. Hatherley to certify each other how the state of things 
stood. We have received some satisfaction upon Mr. Hatherley's 
return, and I hope you will receive the same upon Mr. Winslow's 
return. 

Now to answer your letter more particularly; I shall be very 
brief. The charging of the White Angel to your account could 
not be more surprising to you than the purchase of her was to us ; 
for you commissioned* that what he did you would stand by; we 
gave him no such commission, yet for his credit and your sakes 
paid the bills he charged us with. ... As to my writing that she 

*His commission was abused ; he never had any authority for 
such undertakings, as they well knew, nor had the adventurers 
in England any authority to pay this money, — nor would they have 
paid a penny of it if they had not had some other object in view. 



230 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

was to fulfill two purposes, fishing and trading, believe me I never 
so much as thought of any private trading, nor will I countenance 
any; for I was always against it, and used these very words: It 
will reduce the profits of the settlement and ruin it. 

The rest of the letter I omit as it is not very pertinent. 
It was dated Nov. 19th, 163 1. In another letter, dated 
Nov. 24th, in answ^er to the general letter on the same sub- 
ject, there are these words: 

As to the White Angel about which you write so earnestly, saying 
we thrust her upon you contrary to the intentions of the purchaser, 
we say you forget yourselves and do us wrong. We will not take 
upon us to divine what the thoughts or intentions of the purchaser 
were; but what he spoke we heard, and that we will affirm and 
make good against anyone, viz., that unless she were bought 
Ashley could not be supplied, and if he were not supplied we could 
not recoup ourselves for our losses on your account. 

From another of his dated Jan. 2nd, 1631 : 

We propose to keep the Friendship and the White Angel, as 
regards last year's voyages, on the general account, hoping that 
together they will produce profit rather than loss, and cause less 
confusion in our accounts and less disturbance in our intercourse. 
As for the White Angel, though we laid out the money and took 
bills of sale in our own names, none of us had so much as a 
thought of separating from you in any way this year, because we 
did not wish the world (I may say Bristol) to see any breach 
between Mr. AUerton and you, or between him and us, and so 
disgrace him in his proceedings. We have now let him the ship 
at £30 per month, by charter-party and secured him in a bond of 
£1000 to perform the contract and bring her back to London, if 
God please. What he takes in her for you shall be marked with 
your mark, and bills of lading shall be taken and sent in Mr. 
Winslow's letter, who is this day riding to Bristol about it. So 
in this voyage we deal with him as strangers, not as partners. 
He has turned in three books of accounts, one for the company, 
another for Ashley's business, and the third for the White Angel 
and Friendship. The books, or copies of them, we propose to 
send you, for you may discover the errors in them more readily 
than we could. It can be reckoned how much money he has had 
from us, and you can charge him with all the beaver he had from 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 231 

you. The total sum, as he has it, is £7103-7-1. Of this he has 
expended, and given to Mr. Vines and others, about £543. You 
will know from your books whether you had the goods he charges 
to you. This is ail I can say at present concerning the accounts. 
He expected to complete them in a few hours ; but he and Straton 
and Fogg were over a month at them ; but he could not wait till 
we had examined them for fear of losing his fishing voyage, — 
which I fear he has already done. . . . 

We bless God Who put it into our minds to send to each other; 
for had Mr. AUerton gone on in that risky and expensive way 
one year more we should not have been able to meet his ex- 
penditure; nay, both he and we must have lain in the ditch and 
sunk under the burden. . . . Had there been an orderly course 
taken and your business better managed, by the blessing of God 
yours would have been the ablest colony we know of, undertaken by 
Englishmen. . . . 

Thus far of these letters of Mr. Sherley's. 

A few observations about former letters, and then I 
will give the simple truth of the things in controversy be- 
tween them — at least as far as good evidence can show. 

1. It seems clear that Ashley's business and the buying 
of the ship and the resultant plans were first contrived by 
Mr. Allerton. 

2. Though Mr. Allerton may not have intended to wrong 
the plantation, his own private ends led him astray; for 
it became known that in the first two or three years of his 
employment as agent, he had made £400, and put it into 
a brewery of Mr, Collier's in London. Again, Mr, Sher- 
ley and he had private dealings; and yet I believe, as he 
mentioned above, that Mr. Sherley did not countenance 
any private trading which he thought would injure the 
colony. 

3. Considering all they had done for the settlement, in 
former risks and recent disbursements, when Mr. Aller- 
ton's proposals turned out unsuccessful they thought it 
fair that the colony should bear them, and so took ad- 



232 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

vantage of such power as Mr. Allerton formerly had as 
their agent, to let these losses devolve upon them. 

4. As for Mr. Allerton, with pity and compassion I may 
say with the apostle Timothy (I Tim. vi, 9, 10) : "But 
they that will be rich fall into temptation and a snare 
. . . and pierce themselves through with many sorrows 
. . . for the love of money is the root of all evil." God 
give him to see the evil of his ways, that he may find 
mercy in repentance for the wrongs he has done. 

As to the two ships, the truth as far as could be learned 
was this. The idea of fitting out the fishing ship — the 
Friendship — came first from the colony, but was left to 
them in England to carry out or not, as they thought 
best. But when it was fully considered, and the plan seemed 
hopeful and profitable, it was suggested: why might they 
not do it for themselves to cover their losses, and 
without letting the colony share in it. If their supplies 
reached them in time, that was sufficient. So they hired 
her and fitted her out, and freighted her as full as she 
could carry with the goods of passengers belonging to 
Massachusetts, which rose to a good sum of money, and 
intended to send the New Plymouth settlement their goods 
in the other ship. Mr. Hatherley confirmed the follow- 
ing upon oath before the Governor and Deputy Governor 
of Massachusetts, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley: that 
the Friendship was not intended for the joint partnership, 
but for the private account of Mr. James Sherley, Mr. 
Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Allerton, and himself. This 
deposition was taken under their hands at Boston, Aug. 
29th, 1639, as may be seen besides other testimony. 

As for the White Angel, though she was first bought, 
or at least the price arranged, by Mr. Allerton at Bristol, 
Mr. Sherley need not have disbursed the money against 
his will. That she was not intended for the general part- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 233 

nership appears from various evidence. The bills of sale 
were made out in their own names, without any reference 
to the colony at all; namely, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, 
Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison, and Mr. Allerton, — Mr. 
Hatherley would not join them in this. 

Mr. Allerton took oath to the same effect concerning 
the White Angel before the Governor and Deputy, on 
September 7th, 1639, and deposed that Mr. Hatherley and 
himself, on behalf of them all, agreed to free all the rest 
of the Nev/ Plymouth partners from the losses of the 
Friendship for £200. 

Concerning Mr. Allerton's accounts, they were so lengthy 
and intricate that they could not understand them, much 
less correct them, and it was two or three years before they 
could unravel them even imperfectly. I know not why, 
but he took upon himself to keep all the accounts, though 
Mr. Sherley, their agent, was to buy and sell all their 
goods, and did so usually; but it was Mr. Allerton who 
passed in accounts for all disbursements, — goods bought 
which he never saw, the expenses for the Leyden people 
incurred by others in his absence, for the patents, etc., — 
in connection with all of which he made it appear that 
the balance owing to him was over £300, and demanded 
payment. However, on examination he was found to be 
over £2000 debtor to them, besides I know not how much 
that could never be cleared up, interest unaccounted, 
etc. Then they were obliged to pass bills for expenses 
that were intolerable. The fees for the patent came to 
above £500 — all for nothing; £30 given at a clap, and £50 
spent on a journey, etc. No wonder Mr. Sherley said 
that if their business had been better managed they might 
have been the richest English colony at that time. He 
even screwed up his poor old father-in-law's account to 
above £200, when, alas ! he, poor man, never dreamed that 



234 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

what he had received could be near that value, believing 
that many of the things brought over had been given by 
Mr. Allerton as presents to him and his children. Nor 
did they come to nearly that value in fact, the prices being 
inflated by interest. 

This year Mr. Sherley, too, sent over a cash account, 
showing what Mr, Allerton had received from them and 
disbursed, for which he referred to his accounts ; besides 
an account of beaver sold, which Mr. Winslow and others 
had taken over, and a large supply of goods which Mr. 
Winslow had brought back, and all the disbursements 
for the Friendship and White Angel, and anything else 
he could charge the partners with. In these accounts of 
Mr. Sherley's some things were obscure and some twice 
charged. They made them debtor to the total amount of 
£4770-19-2, besides iiooo still due for the purchase yet 
unpaid, and notwithstanding all the beaver and goods that 
both Ashley and they had shipped over. 

Into such huge sums had Mr. Allerton run them in two 
years, for at the end of 1628 all their debts did not much 
exceed £400, as will be remembered ; now they amounted 
to as many thousands ! In 1629, when Mr. Sherley and 
Mr. Hatherley were at Bristol, they wrote a long letter 
in which they gave an account of the debts and the sums 
that had been disbursed; but Mr. Allerton begged and 
entreated them to omit it. So they blotted out two lines 
in which the sums were mentioned, and wrote over them 
so that not a word could be read, to which they have since 
confessed. They were thus kept hoodwinked, until now 
they found themselves deeply in debt. 

To mend matters, Mr. Allerton now wholly deserted 
them; having brought them into the briars, he leaves them 
to get out as best they can. But God crossed him mightily, 
for having hired the ship from Mr. Sherley at £30 a month^ 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 235 

he set out again with a drunken crew, and so overloaded 
her that she could not bear sail, and they were forced to 
put into Milford Haven and reload her, which lost them 
the season and resulted in a less profitable voyage than the 
year before. Having reached this country he sold trading 
commodities to any that would buy, to the serious detri- 
ment of the colony ; but what was worse, what he could 
not sell outright he sold on credit, and formed a disrepu- 
table company of traders to cover every hole and corner, 
— even up the Kennebec, to take away the trade from the 
settlement's house there, on the patent for which he had 
wasted so much of their money. Not content with this, he 
did all he could to reduce its value to the colony and ruin 
them ; he took partners, and set up a trading house beyond 
Penobscot, to cut off the trade there too. But the French, 
seeing that it would injure them, came down on them before 
they were well settled, and ousted them, killing two of their 
men, and taking all the goods, to a considerable value, the 
loss being mostly, if not all Mr. Allerton's. The rest of 
the men were sent into France and this was the end of 
that project. Those to whom he sold on credit, being 
loose and drunken fellows, for the most part cheated him 
of all they got into their hands. Afterwards, when he 
came to New Plymouth, the church called him to account 
for these and other gross miscarriages. He confessed his 
fault, and promised better ways, and that he would wind 
himself out of the tangle as soon as he could, etc. 

This year Mr. Sherley must needs send them out a 
new accountant. He had made mention of such a thing 
the year before, but they wrote him that their expenses 
were so great already that he need not increase them in 
this way, and that if they were dealt with fairly and had 
their accounts properly sent in from there, they could 
keep their accounts here themselves. Nevertheless, he 



236 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

sent them over a man they conld not well refuse, as he 
was a younger brother of Mr. Winslow's, — Mr. Josias 
Winslow, — whom they had been at considerable expense 
to instruct in London before he came. He came over in 
the White Angel with Mr. Allerton, and there began his 
first employment. 

This year their house at Penobscot was robbed by the 
French, and all their goods of any value was taken, up 
to £400 or £500 at least. The captain in charge of the 
house, and some of the men with him, had gone west- 
ward with their vessel to fetch a supply of goods which 
had been brought over for them. In the meantime came 
a small French ship into the harbour, and amongst the 
company was a false Scot. They pretended they had 
just come in from sea, and did not know where they were ; 
that their vessel was very leaky, and asked if they might 
haul her ashore and mend her. They used many French 
compliments, and in the end, seeing only three or four 
servants, and understanding from this Scotchman that the 
captain and the rest were away from home, they began 
praising their guns and muskets that lay in racks on the 
wall, and took them down to look at them, asking if they 
were loaded. And when they had hold of them, one of 
them presents a gun ready charged at the servants and 
another a pistol, and bid them quietly deliver tip their 
goods. Some of the men were carried aboard, and others 
had to help carry the goods. When they had taken what 
they wanted, they set them at liberty and went their way, 
with this mock: to tell their captain when he returned that 
some of the Isle of Rey gentlemen had been there. 

This year Sir Christopher Gardiner, a descendent of 
that Bishop of Winchester who was so great a persecutor 
of God's saints in Queen Mary's days, and a great traveller, 
\vho had received the honour of knighthood at Jerusalem, 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 237 

being made knight of the Sepulchre there, came into these 
parts under pretence of forsaking the world and living a 
godly life. He was not unwilling to perform any mean 
employment, or to take any pains for his living; and some 
time after he offered to join the churches in several places. 
He brought over with him a servant or two and a comely 
young woman, whom he called his cousin, but it was sus- 
pected that, after the Italian manner, she was his concubine. 
Having been living in Massachusetts, for some misbehav- 
iour which he should have answered for there, he fled from 
authority and got among the Indians of these parts. He 
was pursued, but they could not get him, though they 
promised a reward if he were found. The Indians came to 
the Governor here and told where he was, and asked if they 
might kill him. He told them by no means, but if they 
could capture him and bring him here, they would be paid 
for their pains. They said he had a gun and a rapier and 
he would kill them if they attempted it, and the Massachu- 
setts Indians had said they might kill him. But the Gov- 
ernor told them they must not kill him, but watch their op- 
portunity and seize him. So they did ; for coming upon him 
by tlie riverside, he got into a canoe to escape and while 
he was covering them with his gun to keep them off, the 
stream carried the canoe against a rock and tumbled both 
him and his gun and rapier into the water. But he got 
out, and having a little dagger by his side, they dare not 
close with him. So they got some long poles and soon 
beat the dagger out of his hands, when he was glad to yield, 
and they brought him to the Governor. But his arms and 
hands were badly swollen and very sore with the blows they 
had given him. So he treated him kindly and sent him 
to a lodging where his arms were bathed and anointed, 
and he was quickly well again. The Governor blamed the 
Indians for beating him so much, but they said they only 



S3S BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

whipped him a Httle with sticks ! In his lodging, those who 
made his bed, found a Httle note-book that had shpt out of 
his pocket by accident, in which was a memorandum of the 
day he was reconciled to the pope and the church of Rome, 
and in what university he took his scapula, and such and 
such degrees. This was handed over to the Governor here, 
who sent the Governor of Massachusetts word of his 
capture. He was sent for, and the notes were handed 
over to the Governor there, who was very grateful. After 
Sir Christopher got to England he showed his malice; but 
God prevented him. 

Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New 

Plymouth: 
Sir, 

It has pleased God to bring Sir Christopher Gardiner safely to 
us, with his dependents. And though I never intended to take any 
harsh measures with him, but to treat him as his position de- 
manded, I let him know of your kind words about him, and that 
he will speed the better for your mediation. It was a special 
providence of God to bring those notes of his into our hands. 
Please instruct all that are aware of them not to inform anyone, 
for that may frustrate the use to be made of them. The Good 
Lord our God Who has always ordered things for the good 
of His poor churches here, direct us in this aright, and dispose it 
to a good issue. I am sorry we put you to so much trouble about 
this gentleman, especially at this busy time, but I knew not how 
to avoid it. I must again beg you to let me know what expense 
and trouble any of your people have been at on his account, that 
it may be recompensed. So, with the true affection of a friend, 
desiring all happiness to you and yours, and to all my worthy 
friends with you, whom I love in the Lord, I commend you to 
His grace and providence, and rest. 

Your most assured friend 
Boston. May sth, 1631. JOHN WINTHROP. 

Anent this I will take the liberty to show what occurred 
through this man's malice, com.plying with others. And 
though I do not doubt it will be more fully dealt with by 
honoured friends whom it more directly concerned and who 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 239 

have more exact knowledge of the matter, I will give a 
hint of it here, showing God's providence in preventing 
the injury that might have resulted. The information I 
received was in a letter from my much honoured and be- 
loved friend, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor of Massachu- 
setts. 

Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New 
Plymouth: 

Sir, 

Upon a petition presented by Sir Christopher Gardiner, Sir 
Ferdinand Gorges, Captain Mason, etc., against you and ns, the 
cause was heard before the lords of the Privy Council, and was 
afterwards reported to the King, the success of which makes it 
evident to all that the Lord has care of His people here. The 
passages are admirable, but too long to write. I heartily wish for 
an opportunit}' to impart them to you : they cover many sheets of 
paper. But the conclusion was (against all expectation) an order 
for our encouragement, and much blame and disgrace upon the 
adversaries. This calls for much thankfulness from us all, which 
we purpose, the Lord willing, to express in a day of Thanksgiving 
to our merciful God. I do not doubt but that you will consider 
whether it is not fitting for you to join in it. As He humbled us 
by our recent correction, so He has now lifted us up by an 
abundant rejoicing in our deliverance from so desperate a danger; 
and the instrument whereby our enemies hoped to ruin us. He 
has mercifully turned to our great advantage, as I shall further 
acquaint you when opportunity serves. 

The following is the order of the Privy Council: 

Jan. igth, 162,2. 
AT THE COURT OF WHITEHALL 
Present 
Sigilhtm LORD PRIVY SEAL LORD COTTINGTON 
EARL OF DORSET MR. TREASURER 

LORD VISCOUNT FALKLAND MR. VICE CHAMBERLAIN 
LORD BISHOP OF LONDON MR. SECRETARY COOKE 
MASTER SECRETARY WINDBANK 

Whereas his majesty has lately been informed of great distrac- 
tion and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America 



240 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

called New England, which if they be true and suffered to run on, 
would tend to the great dishonour of this kingdom and the utter 
ruin of that plantation. For prevention whereof and for the 
orderly settling of the government according to the intention of 
those patents which have been granted by his majesty and by his 
late roj'al father King James, it has pleased his majesty that the 
lords and others of his most honourable Privy Council should take 
the same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place 
thought fit to make a committee of this board to examine the 
information ; which committee, having called several of the principal 
adventurers in the plantation, and heard those that are complainants 
against them, most of the things informed being denied and re- 
maining to be proved by parties that must be called from that 
place, which would require a long lapse of time ; and at present 
their lordships finding the adventurers occupied in the dispatch of 
men, victuals, and merchandise for that place, all of which would 
be at a standstill if the adventurers should be discouraged or 
suspect that the state had no good opinion of the plantation ; their 
lordships, not laying the fault or fancies (if any be) of some in- 
dividuals upon the general government of the principal adventurers, 
which in due time is to be further enquired into, have thought fit 
in the meantime to declare that the appearances were so fair and 
the hopes so great, and that the country would prove both so bene- 
ficial to this kingdom and so profitable to the particular adven- 
turers, that the adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with 
their undertakings, and rest assured that if things were carried 
on as was claimed when the patents were granted and as by the 
patents is appointed, his Majesty would not only maintain the 
liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply anything 
further that might tend to the good government, prosperity, and 
comfort of his people there of that place. . . . 

WILLIAM TRUMBALL. 



CHAPTER Xni 

Sale of the White Angel to Allerton — The White Angel sold 
in Spain — Hatherley settles in New England — Rapid increase 
of the Colonists' Prosperity — Divisions in the Church of New 
Plymouth — Wreck of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632. 

Mr. Allerton returned to England, little regarding his 
bond of £1000 to perform his contract ; for though bound 
to take the ship to London, and to pay £30 per month for 
her hire, he did neither, for he stopped at Bristol to fit her 
out again there; and this he did three times. She had 
been ten months on the former voyage, but he never paid 
a penny for her hire. It would seem he knew well enough 
how to deal with Mr. Sherley — he, though he must needs 
foist her upon the general account, disposing of her as he 
pleased. And though Mr. Allerton had thus broken his 
contract in every way, Mr. Sherley goes and sells him both 
the ship and all her accounts from first to last in a bond 
for £2000, — in effect he might as well have given her to 
him, — and not only this, but as good as gives him sanctuary, 
for he allows him one year to prepare his account and pre- 
sent it to the partners here, and another year to make pay- 
ment of what should be due upon the account. In the 
meantime he wrote earnestly to them not to hinder him 
in his business, or delay him for the sake of the accounts, 
etc. The result was that in the interim he collected all the 
money due for freight and any other amounts belonging to 
her or the Friendship, as his own private debts; and, after 
all, sold ship, ordnance, fish, and other lading in Spain, as 
he had first planned, and what became of the money he best 

241 



242 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

knows. Meanwhile their hands were tied and they could, 
do nothing but look on, till he had transferred everything 
to other men's hands, except a few cattle and a little land 
and a few things he had here at New Plymouth, and so 
ultimately removed all his belongings, as he had already 
done himself, from hence. 

Mr. Hatherley came over again this year upon his own 
business, and began to mal-ce preparations to settle in the 
country. As appeared later, he had closed out his share 
in the business, and remained a partner in name only, 
nor did he trouble about their affairs in any way, except 
as regards his engagements in connection with the Friend- 
ship. In connection with that, and some dealings between 
Mr. Allerton and him, and some debts that Mr. AUerton 
owed him on private transactions, he drew up an account 
of over £2000, and tried to thrust it upon the partners here 
on the ground that Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But 
they told him they had been fooled long enough in that 
way, and showed him that it was no concern of theirs. As 
for the debts of the Friendship he must expect to meet them. 

Mr. Pierce did the same, Mr. Allerton having got into 
his debt also in their private dealings. However, the part- 
ners here easily shook off these worries ! but Mr. Allerton 
brought much trouble and vexation upon himself, as he 
had upon others, for Mr. Denison sued him for the money 
he had disbursed for one sixth share in the White Angel, 
and recovered it with damages. 

Though the partners were thus plunged into heavy 
engagements and unjust debts, the Lord prospered their 
trading, and they made large returns yearly, and would 
soon have freed themselves if they had been fairly dealt 
with otherwise. The settlers, too, began to grow in pros- 
perity, through the influx of many people to the country, 
especially to the Bay of Massachusetts. Thereby com 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 243 

and cattle rose to a high price, and many were enriched, 
and commodities grew plentiful. But in other regards this 
benefit turned to their harm, and this accession of strength 
to weakness. For as their stocks increased and became 
more saleable, there was no longer any holding them to- 
gether; they must of necessity obtain bigger holdings, 
otherwise they could not keep their cattle; and having 
oxen they must have land for ploughing. So in time no 
one thought he could live unless he had cattle and a great 
deal of land to keep them, all striving to increase their 
stocks. By this means they were quickly scattered all 
over the Bay, and the town in which they had lived com- 
pactly until now was left very thinly peopled, and in a short 
time almost desolate. 

If this had been all the ill that resulted, it would have 
been small in comparison with the rest ; but the church 
also was disunited, and those who had lived so long to- 
gether in Christian and comfortable fellowship, must now 
part and suffer many divisions. First, those who lived on 
their lots on the other side of the Bay, called Duxbury, 
owing to the trouble of bringing their wives and children 
to public worship and church-meetings here, growing to a 
considerable number, sued to be separated and become a 
distinct body. So they were allowed to separate about this 
time though very unwillingly. To prevent any further 
scattering from this place and weakening of it, it was 
thought best to give out some good farms in the neighbour- 
hood to special persons who would promise to live at New 
Plymouth, likely to be helpful to the church and common- 
wealth, and so tie the lands to New Plymouth as farms for 
its inhabitants, so that their cattle and their ploughed land 
might be kept there by servants, and they retain their dwell- 
ings here. So some special lands were granted at a place 
called Green's Harbour, where no allotments had been made 



244 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

in the former division, very well-meadowed and suitable 
for raising cattle. But alas ! this remedy proved worse than 
the disease; for w^ithin a few years those who had thus 
got footing there, seceded from the church, partly deliber- 
ately, and partly by wearing out the rest with importunity 
and pleas of exigency, so that they either had to let them 
go or live in continual contention. Others again, thinking 
themselves impoverished, or for want of accommodation, 
broke away on one pretence or another, thinking their own 
imagined necessity or the example of others sufficient war- 
rant. This I fear will be the ruin of New England, — at 
least of the churches of God there, — and will provoke the 
Lord's displeasure against them. 

This year Mr. William Pierce came over and brought 
goods and passengers in a ship called the Lyon which be- 
longed chiefly to Mr. Sherley and the rest of the London 
partners, those here having nothing to do with her. Be- 
sides some beaver which they had sent home earlier in the 
year, they sent in this ship upwards of iSoo worth, and 
some otter skins. They sent, also, copies of Mr. AUerton's 
accounts, requesting them to examine them and rectify 
such things as they should find amiss in them, as they were 
better acquainted with the goods bought and the disburse- 
ments made there, than they could be here. With these 
they sent a book of exceptions to his accounts, where 
they could specify them, and did not doubt but they in Eng- 
land might add to them. They showed them how much Mr. 
AUerton was debtor to the general account, and as they had 
now put the ship White Angel wholly in his control and 
had tied their hands here, they requested them to call him 
to account. But it pleased God that the ship taking these 
papers, on her way to Virginia before going home, was 
wrecked on the coast not far from Virginia and their cargo 
was lost. This was the first loss they had sustained of that 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 245 

kind. But Mr. Pierce and the men saved their lives, and 
also the letters, and got to Virginia and so safely home. 

Copies of the accounts were therefore sent over again to 
England. 

The following is part of Mr. Pierce's letter from Virginia. 
It was dated Dec. 25th, 1632, and came to their hands on 
April 7th, before they had heard anything from England: 

IVilHani Pierce in Virginia to the New Plymouth Colony: 

Dear Friends, 

The news of this fatal stroke that the Lord has brought upon 
me and you will probably come to your ears before this comes to 
your hands, and therefore I need not enlarge on particulars, etc. 
Almost all my worldly belongings have been take away, — and yours 
also in a great measure, by this and your various former losses. 
It is time to look about us, before the wrath of the Lord break 
forth in utter destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to 
search our hearts and try our ways, and turn unto the Lord and 
humble ourselves under His mighty hand and seek atonement. . . . 
Dear friends, know that all your beaver and books of account are 
swallowed up in the sea; your letters remain with me and shall 
be delivered if God bring me home. But what more should I say? 
By this we have lost our worldly goods — yet a happy loss if our 
souls are the gainers. There is more in the Lord Jehovah than 
ever we had in this world. O that our foolish hearts could be 
weaned from things here below, which are vanity and vexation of 
spirit ; and yet we fools catch after shadows that fly away and are 
gone in a moment ! . . . Thus with my continual remembrance of 
you in my poor desires to the Throne of Grace, beseeching God 
to renew His love and favour towards you all, in and through the 
Lord Jesus Christ, both in spiritual and temporal good things, as 
may be most to the glory and praise of His name and your ever- 
lasting good, so I rest, 

Your afflicted brother in Christ, 
Virginia, Dec, Z^th, 1632. WILLIAM PIERCE. 



CHAPTER XIV 

Trouble about the accomits of the Partnership— Roger Wil- 
liams — Establishment of a trading house on the Connecticut 
River — Trouble with the Dutch there — Fever at New Plymouth 
— Scoiu-ge of Flies: 1633. 

This year Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor. 

By the first return of ships they received letters from 
Mr. Sherley about Mr. Allerton's further ill-success, and the 
loss by Mr. Pierce, with many sad comments. But there 
was little hope of getting anything out of Mr, Allerton 
■or of their accounts being either eased or rectified by them 
over there. They saw plainly that the burden of it all 
would be thrown upon their backs. The special passages 
of his letters I will insert here, for though I am weary of 
this tedious and uncomfortable subject, 3^et for the truth's 
sake I am compelled to fully ventilate matters which have 
resulted in so much trouble and so many hard censures 
on both sides. I do not wish to be partial to either side, 
but to disclose the truth as nearly as I can, in their own 
words, and so leave it to the unbiased judgment of any 
who shall come to read them. 

James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth: 

Loving Friends, 

My last Avas sent in the Mary and John by Mr. William Collier. 
I then certified you of the great and unseasonable loss you and we 
had, in the wreck of Mr. Pierce and his ship the Lyon; but the 
Lord's holy name be blessed, Who gives and takes as it pleases 
Him ; His will be done, Amen. I then related to you that fearful 
accident, or rather judgment, the Lord pleased to lay on London 
bridge by fire, and therein gave you an idea of ray great loss; the 

246 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 247 

Lord I hope will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in 
Him and not in the sHppery and uncertain things of this world. 

I hope Mr. Allerton is nearly with you by this time; but he had 
many disasters here before he got away. The last was a heavy 
one; his ship, while getting out of the harbour at Bristol in stormy 
weather, was driven so far ashore that it cost him over £100 to 
get her afloat again. His condition was so lamentable that I could 
not but afford him some help, as did some who were strangers to 
him ; besides, your goods were in her, and if he had not been 
assisted he must have given up his voyage, and loss could not have 
been avoided on all sides. When he first bought her I think he 
would have made a saving match if he had then sunk her and 
never set sail in her ! I hope he sees the Lord's hand against 
him, and will leave off these voyages. I think we did well in 
parting with her; she would have been but a clog to the account, 
time and again, and though we shall not get much by way of 
satisfaction, we shall lose no more. And now, as I have written 
before, pray wind up all the accounts with him there ; here he has 
nothing but many debts which he owes in various quarters. Be- 
sides, not a man here will spend a day, nay scarcely an hour, on 
the accounts but myself, and that business will require more time' 
and help than I can afford. I need not say any more; I hope you 
■will do what will be best and will be just with him, to which add 
mercy and consider his intentions, though he failed in many par- 
ticulars, which now cannot be helped. . . . 

Tomorrow or next day at furthest we are to pay £300, and Mr. 
Beauchamp is out of the town, so I must do it. O ! the grief and 
trouble that mad Mr. Allerton has brought upon you and us ! I can- 
not forget it, and to think of it draws many a sigh from my heart 
and tears from my eyes. And now the Lord has visited me with 
another great loss, but I can bear it with more patience than those 
which I have foolishly pulled upon myself. . . . 

And in another letter there is this passage: 

By Mr. Allerton's fair propositions and large promises I have 
overrun myself ; indeed grief hinders me from writing, and tears 
will not suffer me to see; therefore as you love those who ever 
loved you, and the colony, think of us. Oh, what shall I say of 
that man who has abused your trust and wronged our loves ! But 
to lament now is too late, nor can I complain of your backward- 
ness, for I know it hes as heavy on your hearts as it does on our 
purses. Had the Lord sent Mr. Pierce safely home, it had eased 
both you and us of some of those debts. The Lord I hope will 



248 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

give us patience to bear these crosses and that great God WTiose 
care and providence is everywhere, and especially over those who 
desire truly to fear and serve Him, direct, guide, prosper, and bless 
you so that you may have the power, as you have the will, to take 
off this heavy burden which now lies upon me for your sakes, — 
and, as I hope, for your ultimate good and that of many thousands 
more. For had not you and we joined together. New England 
might have been scarcely known, and would not, I feel sure, be 
inhabited by such honest English people as it now is. The Lord 
increase and bless them. ... So with my continual prayers for 
you all, I rest 

Your assured loving friend, 
June 24th, 1633. JAMES SHERLEY. 

Though Mr. Sherley became more alive to his own con- 
dition by these losses, and complained the more sadly and 
unreservedly of Mr. Allerton, no steps were taken to help 
them here — not so much as to examine and rectify the 
accounts, by which probably some hundred of pounds might 
have been deducted. But probably they saw that the more 
there was taken off the account the less would come to them 
in England. 

But to come to other things. Mr. Roger Williams, a 
godly and zealous man, with many rare qualities but a 
very unstable judgment, who settled first in Massachu- 
setts, but owing to some discontent left there, came here 
about this time, where he was made welcome according to 
their poor ability. He exercised his gifts among them, and 
after some time was admitted as a member of the church; 
and his teaching was highly approved, and for its benefit I 
still bless God, and am thankful to him even for his sharp- 
est admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agreed with 
the truth. This year he began to hold some strange 
opinions, and from opinion proceeded to practise. This 
caused some controversy between the church and him, and 
in the end some discontent on his part, so that he left them 
somewhat abruptly. Afterwards he applied for his dismis- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 249 

sal, to transfer himself to the church at Salem, which was 
granted, with some caution to them about him. But he soon 
fell into more trouble there, to the disturbance of church 
and government: I need not give particulars, for they are 
too well known to all; though for a time the church here 
received some hard censure through him, and at the hands 
of those who afterwards smarted themselves. But he is 
rather to be pitied and prayed for; so I shall leave the 
matter, and desire the Lord to show him his errors and 
return him to the way of truth, and give him a settled 
judgment and constancy therein; for I hope he belongs to 
the Lord and that He will show him mercy. 

Having already had intercourse with the Dutch, as will 
be remembered, they, seeing the New Plymouth people 
settled here in such a barren quarter, told them of a river 
which they called Fresh River, now known by the name of 
Connecticut River, which they had often recommended to 
them as a fine place for both agriculture and trade, and 
wished them to make use of it. But their hands then being 
full, they let it pass. Afterwards, a tribe of Indians who 
came there were driven out by the Pequots, who usurped 
their territory; and the banished tribe often begged them 
to go there, and said they could do plenty of trade, es- 
pecially if they would keep a house there. So, having a 
good stock of goods, and being obliged to look out how 
they could better themselves and help to meet their heavy 
engagements, they began to explore in that direction and 
to trade with the natives. They found it a fine place, 
though at first they did little trade ; but the Indians put it 
down to the season of the year and the fear they were in 
of their enemies. So they tried several times, not unprofit- 
ably; but they saw that the surest way would be to keep a 
house there to receive the trade when it came down from 
inland. The Indians not seeing them very active in e§- 



250 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

tablishing themselves, solicited the Massachusetts colony 
similarly — for their object was to be restored to their coun- 
try again. But those in the Bay who had but lately ar- 
rived were not fitted for it. However, some of the chief 
of them proposed to join with the partners here to trade 
jointly with them up the Connecticut River, which they 
were willing to agree to, with the idea that they should 
share equally in the building and the stock. A time of 
meeting was appointed in Massachusetts, and some of the 
principal men here were appointed to deal with them, and 
went accordingly. But the Massachusetts people enter- 
tained many fears, of danger, and loss, and the like, which 
were seen to be the main causes of their disinclination, 
though they alleged that they were not provided with trad- 
ing goods, etc. So the New Plymouth people offered at 
present to put in sufficient for both, provided they would 
become responsible for the half, and meantime prepare 
for next year. They confessed that more could not be 
expected, but thanked them and told them they did not 
care to do it. So they said they hoped it would be no 
offence to the Massachusetts colony if they went on with- 
out them. They said there was no reason against it; and 
so this partnership fell through. So the New Plymouth 
colonists in due time made a beginning there, and were the 
first English to discover the place and build it, though 
they were little better than forced out of it afterwards, 
as will appear. 

The Dutch now began to repent, and hearing of their 
preparations, endeavoured to prevent them, and getting in 
a little before them established a small fort with two pieces 
of ordnance, threatening to stop their passage. But hav- 
ing prepared a small frame of a house and having a big 
new bark, they stowed the frame in her hold, together with 
boards to cover and finish it, and nails and all other neces- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 251 

saries. This was intended as a defence against the Indians, 
who were much offended that they had brought back and 
restored the right Sachem of the place, called Natawanute ; 
so they encountered a double danger in this attempt, both 
from the Dutch and the Indians. When they came up the 
river the Dutchmen demanded what they intended and 
whither they would go ; they answered up the river to trade, 
■ — their orders being to go and settle above them. They 
bid them stop or they would shoot, and stood by, their 
ordnance ready loaded. They replied that tliey had orders 
from the Governor of New Plymouth to go up the river 
to such a place, and, shoot or not, they must obey their 
orders and proceed; and that they would not harm them, 
but they must go on. So they passed on, and though the 
Dutch threatened them they did not shoot. Coming to the 
place appointed, they clapped up their house quickly, landed 
tlieir provisions and left the men, sending the bark home. 
Afterwards they palisaded their house and fortified them- 
selves better. The Dutch sent home word to Manhattan, 
asking what they should do, and in process of time they 
sent a troop of about seventy armed men, in warlike for- 
mation, with colours displayed, to attack them; but see- 
ing them strongly established, and that it would cost blood, 
they came to parley, and returned in peace. They did 
the Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foot of any of 
the land they had bought, but went to a place above them, 
and bought the tract of land which belonged to their 
friends the Indians whom they took with them, and with 
whom the Dutch had nothing to do. So this was their 
entrance there; and they deserved to continue to hold 
it, and not, later, to have been thrust out by friends, as in a 
way they were, as will be seen. But of these matters, more 
in another place. 

It pleased the Lord this year fo visit them with an in- 



252 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

fectious fever of which many fell very ill, and upwards of 
twenty persons died, men, women and children, and sev- 
eral of their oldest friends who had lived in Holland. 
Amongst them were Thomas Blossom, Richard Masterson 
with some others : and in the end, after he had helped 
others much, Samuel Fuller, their physician, who had been 
a great help and comfort to them, not only in his profession, 
but also as a deacon of the church, a godly man, always 
ready to serve his fellows. He was much missed after his 
death, and he and the rest of their brethren who died were 
much lamented by them. This brought much sadness and 
mourning among them, and caused them to humble them- 
selves and seek the Lord; and towards winter it pleased 
the Lord that the sickness ceased. This disease also swept 
away many of the Indians from the adjoining parts. The 
Spring before, especially the month of May, there had 
been a quantity of a great sort of fly, as large as wasps or 
bumble bees, which came out of holes in the ground, fill- 
ing all the woods, and eating the verdure. They made 
such a constant yelling noise tliat the woods rang with 
them, till they were ready to deafen the hearers. They 
have not been heard or seen before or since by the English. 

The Indians told them the sickness would follow, and so 
it did, in June, July, and August, during the greatest heat 
of the summer. 

It pleased the Lord to enable them this year to send 
home a great quantity of beaver, besides paying all their 
expenses and debts here in the country, which was a 
great encouragement to their friends in England. Of 
beaver they sent 3366 lbs., and much of it was coat beaver, 
which 3aelded twenty shillings per lb., and some of it more; 
and 346 otter skins which also sold at a good price — 
fourteen and fifteen shillings per lb. Thus much of the 
affairs of this year, 



CHAPTER XV 

Hocking Shot at Kennebec — Lord Say and the Settlement 
at Piscataqua — Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston — The case of 
Hocldng submitted to a Tribmial of the combined Colonies- 
Captain Stone and tlie Dutch Governor — Stone killed by In- 
dians — Smallpox among the Indians: 1634. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor. 

Mr. Sherley's letters were very brief in answer to theirs 
this year. I will not copy any extracts from them, but 
will mention the subjects of one or two of them. First, 
he hopes they will not take offence at anything he wrote 
previously, professing his affection for them as before, etc. 
Secondl}^, as to ]\Ir. Allerton's accounts, he is convinced the 
colony must suffer, and that to no small figure ; that they 
have cause enough to complain, but it is now too late ; that 
Allerton had failed them all, and himself, in his aims, and 
that he feared God in consequence would fail him, and it 
would not be strange if he fell into worse ways, etc. 
Thirdly, he blesses God and is thankful to Him for the good 
return made this year. This is the effect of his letters, 
other things being of a more private nature. 

I now enter upon one of the saddest things that befell 
ihem since they came ; and before I begin, it will be neces- 
sary to quote that part of their patent which gave them 
rights at Kennebec. 

The said Council has further given, granted, bargained, sold, 
enfeoffed, allotted, assigned, and made over, and by these presents 
do clearly and absolutely give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, enfeoff, 
allot, assign, and confirm unto the said William Bradford, his 
heirs, associates, and assigns, all that tract of land or part of 

253 



254 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

New England In America aforesaid, which lies within or between, 
and extends itself from the utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which 
adjoins the river of Kennebec, towards the Western ocean, and a 
place called the Falls of Nequamkeck in America aforesaid; and 
the space of fifteen Engish miles on each side of the said river, 
commonly called Kennebec river, and all the said river called 
Kennebec that Ues within the said limits and bounds, eastward, 
westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned; and 
all lands, grounds, soils, rivers, waters, fishing, etc. And by virtue 
of the authority to us derived by his said late majesty's letters 
patent, to take, apprehend, seize, and make prize of all such persons, 
their ships and goods, as shall attempt to inhabit or trade with 
the savage people of that country within the several precincts and 
limits of his or their several plantations, etc. 



Now it happened that one Hocking, belonging to the 
settlement at Piscataqua, went with a bark and some com- 
modities to trade on the Kennebec, and must needs trans- 
gress their limits, and even go up the river above their 
house towards the Falls, and intercept the trade that should 
have come to them. The man in charge of the place for- 
bade him, and begged him not to do them the injury of 
infringing their rights which had cost them so dear. He 
replied he would go up and trade there in spite of them, 
and remain there as long as he pleased. The answer was 
that in that case he would be forced to remove him or 
apprehend him. Whereupon Hocking bid him do his 
worst, and went up and anchored there. So the captain 
took a boat and some men, and followed him, and again 
urged him to depart. But all in vain ; he could get nothing 
from him but ill words. So, as it was just the season 
for trade to come down, and if he allowed him to remain 
there and take it from them, all their previous expense 
would be wasted, he consulted with his men, who being 
willing, he decided to sever the boat from her anchorage, 
and let her drift down the river with the stream, but com- 
manded his men not to shoot on any account unless he 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT Z55 

commanded them. He spoke to Hocking again, but all 
in vain; then he sent a couple of men in a canoe to cut 
his cable, which one of them did. Thereupon Hocking 
took up a gun which he had put ready, and as the bark 
drifted down past the canoe he shot the man in the head 
and killed him instantly. One of his comrades who loved 
him well, could not restrain himself, and making aim with 
his musket shot Hocking dead on the spot. This is a 
true account of what happened. The rest of the men took 
the vessel home, with these sad tidings. Now Lord Say 
and Lord Brook, with some other eminent men, had an 
interest in this settlement, so the people wrote home to 
them in such terms as to exasperate them as much as possi- 
ble, leaving out all the extenuating circumstances, and 
making it appear that Hocking had been killed without 
provocation, suppressing the fact that he had killed a man 
first. So their Lordships were much offended, till they 
were fully informed of the details. 

The news of this spread quickly, with the worst light 
put upon it, and reached their neighbours in Massachusetts. 
Their own bark came home to New Plymouth, bringing a 
true report of it, and all were deeply and naturally affected 
by it. Not long after, they had occasion to send their 
vessel to the Bay of Massachusetts ; but the colony there 
was so Incensed at the occurrence that they imprisoned 
Mr. Alden who was aboard, and had been at Kennebec, 
but had taken no part in the affair, having only gone up 
to take supplies. They freed the boat, but kept Mr. Alden 
for some time. This was thought strange here, and they 
sent Captain Standish, with letters, to give them full in- 
formation, and to procure Mr. Alden's release. I will give 
a letter or two which refer to these things. 



256 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Two letters from Thomas Dudley at Newtown to William Bradford 
at New Plymouth: 

Good Sir, 

I have received your letter through Captain Standish, and am 
unfeignedly glad of God's mercy towards you in the steady re- 
covery of your health. Concerning the matter you write of, I 
thought I would send a word or two in answer to yourself, leaving 
your Governor's letter to be answered by our court, to which with 
myself it is directed. I presume, until I hear further, that your 
patent may warrant your resistance of any Englishmen trading at 
Kennebec, and that the blood of Hocking and the man he slew 
will be required, elsewhere, at his hands. But with yourself and 
others I grieve for their deaths. I think, also, that your general 
letters will satisfy our courts, and make them cease from meddling 
further in the matter. Upon that same letter I have liberated Mr. 
Alden, with his sureties; but that I may not seem to neglect the 
opinion of our court, I have bound Captain Standish to appear 
on June 3rd at our next court, to make affidavit for the copy of 
the patent and to testify to the circumstances of Hocking's provoca- 
tions, both of which will tend to prove your innocence. If any 
offence has been taken at what we have done, let it be better con- 
sidered, I pray you ; and I hope the more you think of it, the less 
blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in dis- 
tinguishing between those whose opinions concur with your own, 
and others — though I can truly say I have spoken with no one on 
the subject, even those who blame you most, who had not always 
heretofore declared their good-will towards your colony. Refer- 
ring you further to the report you have from Captain Standish 
and Mr. Alden, I leave j'ou for the present with God's blessing, 
wishing you perfect recovery of your health and long continuance 
of it. I desire to be lovingly remembered to Mr. Prince — your 
Governor, Mr. Winslow, and Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if 
I could. The Lord keep you all. Amen. 

Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus, 
Newtown, May 22nd, 1634. THOMAS DUDLEY. 

Sir, 

I am deeply sorry for the news that Captain Standish and others 
of your colony, and my beloved friends, are bringing with them 
to New Plymouth, in which I suffer with you, because of the differ- 
ence of my opinion from that of others who are godly and wise 
amongst us here, reverence for whose judgments causes me to 
suspect my own ignorance. But I cannot alter it until 1 am con- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 257 

vinced otherwise. I did not intend to show your letter to me, 
but to do my best to reconcile the differences as best I could; but 
Captain Standish demanding an answer to it publicly in court, I 
was forced to produce it, which made the breach the wider, as 
he will tell you. I proposed to the court that they should answer 
the letter from Mr. Prince, your Governor; but the court ruled 
tliat it required no answer, since it was itself an answer to a 
former letter of ours. Pray inform Mr. Prince of this, and others 
whom it concerns, so that they may not impute neglect or ill 
manners to me on this score. The recent letters I have received 
from England cause me to fear* that some trials are likely to fall 
upon us shortly, and this unhappy dispute between you and us, 
and between you and Piscataqua, will hasten them, if God with an 
extraordinary hand does not help us. To reconcile this for the 
present will be very difficult; but time cools distempers, and a 
common danger approaching us both will necessitate our uniting 
again. I pray you therefore, Sir, set your wisdom and patience to 
work, and exhort others to do the same, that things may not pro- 
ceed from bad to worse, making our divisions like the bars of a 
palace; but that a way of peace may be kept open, where the God 
of peace may have entrance at His own time. If you are wronged, 
it is to your honour to bear it patiently; but I go too far in need- 
lessly putting you in mind of such things. God has done great 
things for you, and I desire His blessings may be multiplied upon 
you more and more. I will commit no more to writing, but com- 
mending myself to your prayers, I rest 

Your truly loving friend in our Lord Jesus, 
June 4th, 1634. THOMAS DUDLEY. 

This shows what troubles arose, and how hard they were 
to allay ; for though they were heartily sorry for what had 
happened, they considered they had been unjustly injured 
and provoked, and that their neighbours, who had no 
jurisdiction over them, exceeded their bounds thus to im- 
prison a member of their settlement and bring the ques- 
tion before their Court. But being assured of their Chris- 
tian love, and convinced that it was done out of godly zeal, 

*There was cause enough for these fears, which were concerned 
with the underhand work of some enemies to the churches here, 
which resulted in the issue by the King of a new "Commission for 
Regulating Colonies," signed April 28th, 1634. 



258 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

that religion might not suffer nor sin be in any way con- 
cealed or countenanced, — especially the guilt of blood, of 
which all should be very conscientious, — they endeavoured 
to appease them as best they could, first by giving them 
the truth of it all; secondly by their willingness to refer 
the case to any indifferent judgment here, and to answer it 
elsewhere when they should be called upon to do so ; and 
further, by asking Mr, Winthrop and other respected 
magistrates there, for their advice and direction. This 
mollified them and brought things to a comfortable end at 
last. 

The advice given them by Mr. Winthrop and others 
was, that from their court at New Plymouth they should 
write to the neighbouring settlements, especially to that 
at Piscataqua and theirs in Massachusetts, appointing a 
meeting at some suitable place, to deliberate on the sub- 
ject, full powers being delegated to those attending the 
meeting from the various colonies, but nothing to be done 
which should infringe the liberties of any of them. The 
law of God being, that for conscience' sake the priests 
should be consulted with, it was thought desirable that 
the ministers of every colony should be present to give 
their advice on points of conscience. Though this sugges- 
tion seemed dangerous to some, they were so well assured 
of the justice of their cause and the equity of their friends, 
that they agreed to it, and appointed a time, of which notice 
was given a month beforehand, viz, : to Massachusetts, 
Salem, Piscataqua, and others, requesting them to produce 
any evidence they could in the case. The place of meeting 
was Boston. But when the day came, there only appeared 
some of the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts 
and of New Plymouth. As none had come from Piscata- 
qua or other places, Mr. Winthrop and the others said they 
could do no more than they had done, and the blame must 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 259 

rest with them. So they opened up a fair discussion of 
the subject, and after all evidence had been fully sifted, 
the opinion of each of the magistrates and ministers was 
demanded, with the result that though all wished the 
trouble had never occurred, they could not but lay the 
blame and guilt on Hocking's own head. Whereupon such 
grave and godly counsels and exhortations were given as 
they thought fitting, both for theBpresent and future, which 
were received with love and gratitude, with promises to 
endeavour to profit by tliem. And so it ended, and their 
love and concord renewed. Further, Mr, Winthrop and 
Mr. Dudley wrote very effectually on their behalf to Lord 
Say and others interested, which with their own letters, 
and Mr. Winslow's further declarations when in England, 
satisfied them fully. 

They sent Mr. Winslow to England this year, partly 
for this object, and partly to notify the partners in England 
that the period of their contract for the company's trade 
here having expired, they instructed him to close the ac- 
counts with them, and to find out how much they still 
remained debtors to the account, and what further course 
would be best to pursue. The outcome of it all will appear 
in next year's narrative. They sent over witli him a sub- 
stantial cargo which was very acceptable to them : in beaver 
3738 lbs. mostly coat beaver which sold at twenty shillings 
per lb. ; and 234 otter skins at fourteen shillings per skin. 
So altogether it arose to a large sum of money . 

Early this year they sent a boat to trade with the Dutch 
colony, where they met with a Captain Stone who had 
lived in Christophers, one of the West Indian Islands, 
and had now been sometime in Virginia, and had come up 
from there. He kept company with the Dutch Governor, 
and in some drunken fit got his leave to seize their boat, 
just as they were ready to leave and had finished trading, 



260 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

having £500 Worth of goods aboard. There was not the 
least provocation or ground for such an act, but having 
made the Governor so drunk that he could scarcely utter 
an intelligible word, he urged him to do it, and got the 
answer "as you please." So he got aboard, most of their 
men being ashore, and with some of his own men made 
the rest weigh anchor, set sail, and carry her away towards 
Virginia. But several of the Dutch sailors ashore, who 
had often been at New Plymouth and kindly entertained 
there, said to each other: "Shall we allow our friends to 
be wronged in this way, and have their goods carried away 
before our faces whilst our Governor is drunk?" They 
vowed they would not permit it, and got a vessel or two, 
and chased him and brought him back again, and delivered 
them their boat and goods. 

Afterwards Stone came to Massachusetts, and they com- 
menced an action against him for it; but by the media- 
tion of friends it was allowed to lapse. Later, Stone came 
with some other gentlemen to New Plymouth, and was 
friendly entertained by them with the rest ; but revenge 
boiled in his breast, and some thought that on one occasion 
he intended to stab the Governor, and put his hand to his 
dagger for that purpose; but by God's providence and the 
vigilance of those at hand, it was prevented. Afterwards, 
returning to Virginia in a pinnace with a Captain Norton 
and some others, for some unknown reason they must needs 
go up the Connecticut River. What they did, I know not; 
but the Indians came aboard and knocked Stone on the 
head as he lay in his cabin; this was his end. They also 
killed all the others, but Captain Norton defended him- 
self for a long time against them all in the cook-room, till, 
by accident, the gunpowder which he had put ready in 
some open vessel before him, took fire and it so burnt and 
blinded him that he could no longer make resistance, and 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 261 

was killed by them, though they much commended his 
valour. 

I must now relate a strange occurrence. There was a 
tribe of Indians living on the upper parts of the Connecti- 
cut River, a long way from the colony's trading-house there, 
who were enemies of the Indians that lived in the neigh- 
bourhood, who stood in some fear of them, for they were 
a war-like tribe. About a thousand of them had enclosed 
themselves in a fort, which they had strongly palisaded. 
Three or four Dutchmen went up in the beginning of winter 
to live with them, to get their trade and prevent them from 
bringing it down to the English, or from getting friendly 
with them. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God 
to afflict these Indians with such a deadly sickness, that 
out of i,ooo, over 950 of them died, and many of them lay 
rotting above ground for want of burial, and the Dutch- 
men almost starved before they could get away, kept there 
by the ice and snow. But about February, with much 
difficulty they reached the trading-house of the New 
Plymouth people, by whom they were kindly treated, for 
they were almost exhausted with hunger and cold. After 
being refreshed by them for several days, they got to 
their own place, and the Dutch were very grateful for tliis 
kindness. 

This spring, too, the Indians who lived around their 
trading-house fell sick of small pox, and died most miser- 
ably. A more terrible disease cannot attack them; they 
fear it worse than the plague, for usually it spreads amongst 
them broadcast. For want of bedding and linen and other 
comforts, they fall into a lamentable condition. As they 
lie on their hard mats, the pox breaks and matters and runs, 
their skin sticking to the mats they lie on, so that when 
they turn a whole side will flay off at once, and they will 
be all one gore of blood, dreadful to behold; and then, what 



262 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

with cold and other hardships, they die hke rotten sheep. 
The condition of these natives was indeed lamentable. 
They were swept so generally by the disease that in the 
end they were unable to help one another, or to make a 
fire or fetch a little water to drink, or to bury their dead. 
They would keep up as long as they could, and when there 
was no other means to make a fire, they would burn the 
wooden dishes they ate their food in, and their very bows 
and arrows. Some would crawl out on all fours to get a 
little water, and sometimes die by the way, not being able 
to get home again. But the people of the English trading- 
house, though they were at first afraid of the infection, 
seeing their woful condition and hearing their pitiful cries, 
had compassion on them, and daily fetched them wood 
and water and made them fires, and got them food whilst 
they lived, and buried them when they died. Very few 
of the Indians escaped, notwithstanding that they did what 
they could for them at great risk to themselves. The chief 
Sachem himself died, and almost all his friends and rela- 
tives ; but by the marvellous goodness and providence of 
God not one of the English was so much as ill, or in the 
least degree tainted with the disease, though they did these 
services for them daily for many weeks. The mercy they 
showed them in this way was greatly appreciated by all the 
Indians who knew or heard of it, and earned their grati- 
tude; and their masters at New Plymouth highly com- 
mended and rewarded them for it. 



CHAPTER XVI 

Edward Winslow in England — Petition to the Commissioners 
for the Colonies in America — Winslow impiisoned — The Lon- 
don partners withhold the accounts of the partnership— The 
French captui'e the trading-house at Penobscot — Attack on 
the French fails — Phenomenal Hurricane — Settlement of 
people from Massachusetts on the Connecticut River — ^Mr. 
Norton minister at New Plymoutli: 1635. 

Mr. Winslow was welcomed by them in England, the 
more so owing to the large consignment of fur he brought 
with him, which came safely to hand and was well sold. He 
was given to understand that all the accounts would be 
cleared up before his return, and all former differences 
settled, and that the account of the White Angel would not 
be charged to them. Being called upon to answer some 
complaints made against the countiy at the Council, more 
particularly concerning their neighbours at the Bay than 
themselves, which he did to good effect, at the same time 
furthering the interests of the colonies as a whole, as re- 
gards the encroachments of the French and other strangers, 
with a view to preventing them for the future, he took 
the opportunity of presenting this petition to their Honours, 
the Commissioners for the Colonies. 



To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for the Colonies 
in America: 

The humble petition of Edward Winslow on behalf of the 
Colonies in New England : 

Humbly shows your Lordships, that whereas your petitioners 
have settled in New England under his majesty's most gracious 
protection, now the French and Dutch endeavour to divide the 

2G3 



264 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

land between them; for which purpose the French on the east 
side entered and seized upon some of our houses and carried away 
the goods, killed two men in another place, and took the rest 
prisoners with their goods; and the Dutch on the west also made 
entry along the Connecticut river, within the limits of his Majesty's 
letters patent, where they have raised a fort and threaten to expel 
your petitioners who are also established on the same river, main- 
taining possession for his Majesty to their great expense, and the 
risk of both their lives and goods. 

In tender consideration whereof your petitioners humbly pray 
that your Lordships will either procure their peace with those 
foreign states, or else give special warrant to your petitioners and 
the English Colonies, to defend themselves against all foreign 
enemies. And your petitioners shall pray, etc. 



This petition was well received by most of them, and 
Mr. Winslow was heard several times by them, and ap- 
pointed to attend for an answer from their Lordships, 
having shown how this might be done without any expense 
or trouble to the state, simply giving the leading men there 
authority to undertake it at their own cost and in such a 
way as would avoid public disturbance. But this inter- 
fered with both Sir Ferdinand Gorges' and Captain Mason's 
plans, with whom the Archbishop of Canterbury was in 
league; for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, by the Archbishop's 
favour, was to have been sent over to the country as 
Governor General, and was about to conclude this project. 
The Archbishop's intention was to send over officials with 
him, furnished with episcopal power, to disturb the peace 
of the churches here, overthrow their proceedings, and stop 
their further growth. But it fell out by God's providence, 
that though in the end they prevented this petition from 
taking any further effect, his plot with Sir Ferdinand came 
to nothing. 

So when Mr. Winslow went before the Board to have 
his petition granted, he found that the Archbishop had 
checked it. However, hoping to obtain it nevertheless. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 265 

he went to the Board again; but he found that the Arch- 
bishop, Sir Ferdinand, and Captain Mason had procured 
Morton, the man referred to previously, to present com- 
plaints. Mr. Winslow answered them to the satisfaction 
of the Board, who checked Morton and rebuked him 
sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinand Gorges and Mason 
for countenancing him. But the Archbishop had a further 
object, and began to cross-question Mr. Winslow about 
many things. He accused him of preaching in the church 
publicly, — with which Morton had charged him, affirm- 
ing that he had seen and heard him do it; to which Mr. 
Winslow answered that sometimes, for want of a minister, 
he had endeavoured to assist in the edification of his 
brethren. The Archbishop then questioned him about mar- 
riage; to which he replied that as a magistrate he had 
occasionally married some of the people, pointing out to 
their Lordships that marriage was a civil institution, and 
that he nowhere found in the word of God that it belonged 
to the ministry, and furthermore for a long time they had 
no minister ; besides, it was now no new idea, for he him- 
self had been married in Holland by the magistrates in 
their Stadt-house. To be short, in the end the Archbishop, 
by his vehement importunity, got the Board at last to 
consent to his commitment; so he was imprisoned in the 
Fleet, and lay there about seventeen weeks before he could 
get released. This was the end of the petition; but the 
scheme of the others was frustrated too, which was no small 
blessing to the people over here. The expense to this 
colony was heavy, though it was undertaken as much, or 
more, in the interests of others. Indeed, Mr. Winslow 
was chiefly urged to the business by them, and the colony 
knew nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonment, 
though it had to bear the whole expense. 
As to their own business, whatever Mr, Sherley's in- 



266 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

tentlon was before, he now declared plainly that he would 
neither take the White Angel from the general account, 
nor present any further account till he had received more 
goods; that though a fair supply had been sent over this 
time, they were mostly without notes of the prices, and 
not as properly invoiced as formerly. This Mr. Winslow 
said he could not help, because. of his imprisonment. How- 
ever, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews sent 
over a letter of attorney under their hands and seals to re- 
cover what they could from Mr. Allerton on the White 
Angel's account, but they sent neither the bonds nor con- 
tracts, nor such otlier evidence as they had, to enable those 
at New Plymouth to act upon it. I will here insert a few 
passages from Mr. Sherley 's letters about these things. 

James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth: 

I have received your letter of July 22nd, 1634, through our trusty 
and loving friend, Mr. Winslow, and your large parcel of beaver 
and otter skins. Blessed be our God, both he and it arrived safely. 
We have sold it in two parcels; the skins at fourteen shillings per 
lb., and some at sixteen; the coat at twenty shillings per lb. I 
have not sent the accounts over this year; I refer you to Mr. 
Winslow for the reason; but be assured that none of you shall 
suffer through not having them, if God spare me life. You say 
the six years have expired during which the people put the trade 
of the colony into your and our hands, for the discharge of the 
heavy debts which Mr. Allerton needlessly and unadvisedly ran 
us into; but it was promised that it should contmue till our dis- 
bursements and engagements were met. You think this has been 
done already ; we know otherwise. ... I doubt not we shall lovingly 
agree, notwithstanding all that has been written on both sides 
about the White Angel. We have now sent you a letter of attorney, 
giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we 
say for our uses) to obtain what is possible from Mr. Allerton 
towards meeting the great expense of the White Angel. He cer- 
tainly gave a bond, though at present I cannot find it; but he has 
often affirmed with great protestations that neither you nor we 
should lose a penny by him, and I hope j'ou will find he has enough 
to meet it, so that we shall have no more trouble about it. Not- 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 267 

withstanding his unkind treatment of you, in the midst of justice 
remember mercy, and do not all you might do. . . . Let us get 
out of debt, and then let us survey the matter reasonably. . . . 
Mr. Winslow has undergone an unjust imprisonment but I am con- 
vinced it will result to your general advantage. I leave it to him 
to tell all particulars. . . . 

Your loving friend, 
London, Sept. yth, 1635. JAMES SHERLEY. 

This year they sustained another great loss from the 
French. Monsieur d'Aulnay, coming into the harbour of 
Penobscot, having invited several of the chief men be- 
longing to the house aboard his vessel, got them to pilot 
him in; and after getting the rest into his power, he took 
possession of the house in the name of the King of France. 
By threats and otherwise he made Mr. Willett, their 
agent there, approve of the sale of the goods to him, of 
which he fixed the prices himself, making an inventory, 
though with many omissions. But he made no payment 
for them, saying that in due course he would do so if they 
came for it. As for the house and fortifications, he would 
not allow anything for them, claiming that it was not built 
on their own land. So, turning them out, with many com- 
pliments and fine words, he let them have their shallop 
and some provisions to bring them home. When they got 
home and related the occurrence they were much disturbed 
about it, for the French had robbed this house once before, 
at a loss to them of above £500, and now to lose house 
and all vexed them greatly. So they decided to consult 
with their friends at the Bay, who now had many ships 
there, and if they approved of it, they intended to hire a 
fighting ship and try to beat out the French and regain 
their property. Their plan was approved of, if they them- 
selves would bear the expense. So they hired a fine ship 
of over 300 tons, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with 
the captain, one Girling, that he and his crew should de- 



268 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

liver them the house after they had overcome the French 
and give them peaceable possession of it, with all such 
trading commodities as should be found there, giving the 
French fair quarter if they would yield. In consideration 
of which services he was to have 700 lbs. of beaver, to be 
delivered to him there when he had completed his bargain ; 
but if he did not accomplish it, he was to lose his labour 
and have nothing. With him they sent their own bark, and 
about twenty men under Captain Standish, to help him if 
necessary, and to put things in order if the house were 
regained; and then to pay Girling the beaver, which was 
aboard their own bark. So they piloted him there, and 
brought him safely into the harbour. But he was so rash 
and heady he w'ould take no advice, nor give Captain 
Standish time to summon them to surrender, as his orders 
were. If he had done so, and they had parleyed, seeing 
their force, the French would probably have yielded. He 
did not even have patience to place his ship where she 
could do execution, but began to shoot at a distance like a 
madman, and did them no harm at all. At last, when he 
saw his own folly, he was advised by Captain Standish 
and brought her well up, and placed a few shots to some 
purpose. But now, when he was in a position to do some 
good, his powder was used up, so he was obliged to draw off 
again. He consulted with the Captain how he could get 
further supplies of gun powder, for he had not enough to 
carry him home; so he told him he would go to the next 
settlement and endeavour to procure him some, and did so. 
But Captain Standish gathered, from intelligence he re- 
ceived that he intended to seize the bark and take the beaver, 
so he sent him the powder and brought the bark home. 
Girling never attacked the place again, and went on his 
way; which ended the business. 
ypon the ill success of their plans, the Governor and his 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 2G9 

assistants here notified their friends at the Bay, and pointed 
out that the French were now Hkely to fortify themselves 
more strongly, and become undesirable neighbours to the 
English. In reply they wrote to them as follows. 

From the Colony of Massachusetts to that of New Plymouth: 

Worthy Sirs, 

After reading your letters and considering the importance of their 
contents, the court has jointly expressed their willingness to assist 
you with men and ammunition, to accomplish your ends with the 
French. But as none of you here have authority to conclude 
anything with us, nothing can be done for the present. We desire 
you, therefore, with all convenient speed to send some one of 
trust, with instructions from yourselves to make such an agreement 
with us as may be useful to you and fair to us. So in haste we 
comm.it you to God, and remain, 

Your assured loving friends, 

JOHN HAYNES, Governor WILLIAM CODDINGTON 

RICHARD BELLINGHAM, WILLIAM PINCHON 

Deputy Governor ATHERTON HOUGH 

JOHN WINTHROP INCREASE NOWELL 

THOMAS DUDLEY RICHARD DUMER 

JOHN HUMPHREY SIMON BRADSTREET 

Newtown, Oct. gth, 1635. 

Upon receipt of this they at once deputed two of their 
people to treat with them, giving them full power to con- 
clude an agreement according to the instructions they gave 
them, which were to this purpose: that if the Massachu- 
setts Colony would afford such assistance as, together with 
their own, was likely to effect the desired end, and also 
bear a considerable part of the expense, they would go 
on; if not, having lost so much already, they must desist 
and wait such further opportunity to help themselves as 
God should give. But the conference resulted in nothing, 
for when it came to an issue the others would go to no ex- 
pense. They sent the following letter, and referred them 
to their messengers. 



270 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Richard BelUngham, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, to the 
Governor of New Plymouth: 

Sir, 

Having seriously considered the great importance of your business 
with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed 
to confer with us about the voyage to Penobscot. We showed our 
wilhngness to help, by procuring you sufficient men and ammuni- 
' tion. But as for money, we have no authority at all to promise, 
and should we do so it might be only to disappoint you. We also 
think it would be proper to seek the help of the other Eastern 
colonies; but that we leave to your own discretion. For the rest 
we refer you to your deputies, who can report further details. 
We salute you, and wish you all success in the Lord. 
Your faithful and loving friend, 

RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy, 
In the name of the rest of the Committee. 
Boston, Oct. i6th, 1635. 

Not only was this the end of their suggested co-opera- 
tion, but some of the merchants of Massachusetts shortly 
after started trading with the French, and furnished them 
both with provisions and ammunition, and have continued 
to do so to this day. So it is the English themselves who 
have been the chief supporters of the French ; and the 
colony at Pemaquid, which is near them, not only supplies 
them, but constantly gives them intelligence of what is 
passing among the English — especially among some of 
them. So it is no wonder that they still encroach more 
and more upon the English, and supply the Indians with 
guns and ammunition to the great danger of the English 
settlers, whose homes are scattered and unfortified. For 
the English are mainly occupied with farming, but the 
French are well fortified and live upon trade. If these 
things are not looked to and remedied in time, it may 
easily be conjectured what will result. 

This year, on the 14th or 15th of August, a Saturday, 
there was such a fearful storm of wind and rain as none 
living hereabouts either English or Indians, ever saw. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEINIENT 271 

It was like those hurricanes and typhoons that writers 
mention in the Indies. It began in the morning, a little 
before day, and did not come on by degrees, but with 
amazing violence at the start. It blew down several houses 
and unroofed others; many vessels were lost at sea, and 
many more were in extreme danger. To the southward 
the sea rose twenty feet, and many of the Indians had to 
climb trees for safety. It took off the boarded roof of a 
house which belonged to the settlement at Manomet and 
floated it to another place, leaving the posts standing in 
the ground; and if it had continued much longer with- 
out the wind shifting it would probably have flooded some 
of the inhabited parts of the country. It blew down 
many hundred thousands of trees, tearing up the stronger 
by the roots, and breaking the higher pine-trees off in the 
middle; and tall young oaks and walnut trees of a good 
size were bent like withes, — a strange and fearful sight. It 
began in the southeast, and veered different ways. It lasted, 
though not at its worst, for five or six hours. The marks 
of it will remain this loo years in these parts, where it 
was most violent. There was a great eclipse of the moon 
the second night after. 

Some of their neighbours at the Bay, hearing of the fame 
of the Connecticut River had a hankering after it, as men- 
tioned before. Understanding that the Indians had been 
swept away by the recent mortality, fear of whom was the 
chief obstacle to them before, they now began to explore 
it with great eagerness. The New Plymouth people there 
had most trouble with the Dorchester settlers about it; 
for they set their minds on the place which the New Ply- 
mouth colony had not only purchased from the Indians, 
but where they had actually built, and the Dorchester 
people seemed determined if they could not remove them 
altogether, at any rate to leave them only an insignificant 



272 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

plot of land round the house, sufficient for a single family. 
This attempt not only to intrude themselves into the rights 
and possessions of others, but in effect to oust them, was 
thought to be most unjustifiable. Many were the letters 
that passed between them about it. 

I will first insert a few lines written from their own 
agent from there. 

Jonathan Brewster at Matianuck to the Governor of New Plymouth: 

Sir. 

The Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water 
and some by land, as yet undecided where to settle, though some 
evidently have a great liking for the place we are in, which was 
bought last. Many of them are looking for what this river will 
not afford, except at the place where we are, namely, a site for a 
great town, with commodious dwellings for many, not far apart. 
What they will do I cannot yet inform you. I shall do what I can 
to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason ; that we were 
here first and entered the district with much difficulty and danger, 
both in regard to the Dutch and the Indians, and bought the land 
at great expense, and have since held possession at no small 
trouble, and kept the Dutch from encroaching further, though but 
for us they would have possessed it all and kept out all others. 
... I hope these and similar arguments will stop them. It was 
your will that we should use them and their messengers kindly, 
and so we have done, and do daily, to our great expense. The 
first party of them would have almost starved had it not been for 
this house, and I was forced to supply twelve men for nine days. 
Those who came last I entertained as best we could, helping them 
with canoes and guides. They got me to go with them to the 
Dutch, to see if I could arrange that some of them should have 
quiet settling near them ; but they peremptorily refused them. I also 
gave their goods house-room according to their earnest request, 
and Mr. Pinchon's letter on their behalf, which I thought well to 
send you, enclosed. What trouble and cost will be further incurred 
I know not, for they are coming daily, and I expect those back 
again from below, where they have gone to view the country. All 
this should surely, in the judgment of all wise and understanding 
men, give us just claim to hold and keep our own. 

Thus with my duty remembered, I rest. 

Yours to be commanded, 
Matianuck, July 6th, 1635. JONATHAN BREWSTER. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 273 

After a thorough view of the place, they began to pitch 
upon the land near the house belonging to the New 
Plymouth people, which occasioned much expostulation be- 
tween them and much agitating correspondence. 

But lest I should be tedious, I will forbear the details 
and come to the conclusion. To make any forcible re- 
sistance was far from their minds, — they had enough of 
that at Kennebec, — and to live in continual contention with 
their friends would be uncomfortable. So for peace' sake, 
though they considered they suffered injury, they thought 
it better to let them have it, getting as good terms as possible ; 
so they fell to treaty. First, since there had been such 
long disputes about it, they insisted they must first ac- 
knowledge that they had no right to it, or else they would 
not treat with them about it at all. This being granted 
the conclusion reached was as follows: that the people of 
New Plymouth should retain their house and have the 
i6th part of all that they bought from the Indians; and 
the others should have all the rest of the land, leaving 
such a portion for the settlers of Newtown as the New 
Plymouth colony reserved for them. This i6th part was 
to be taken in two places, — one in the neighbourhood of 
the house, the other near the Newtown settlement. Further, 
they were to pay to the New Plymouth colony the proper 
proportion of what had been disbursed to the Indians when 
purchased. In this way the controversy was ended ; but 
the injustice was not so soon forgotten. The Newtown 
people dealt more fairly, only wishing to have what could 
be conveniently spared. 

Amongst the other business that Mr. Winslow had to do 
in England, he had orders from the church to bring over 
some able and fit person as their minister. Accordingly 
he had procured a godly and worthy man, a Mr. Glover; 
but it pleased God that when he was ready for the voyage 



274 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

he fell sick of fever and died. Afterwards, when Mr. 
Winslow was ready to sail, he became acquainted with a 
Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not 
engage himself to settle permanently at New Plymouth, 
until he had an opportunity of judging of it; so he ar- 
ranged that if, later, he preferred to be elsewhere, he would 
repay the money expended for him, which came to about 
£70, and be at liberty to move. He stayed about a year 
with them, and was much liked by them ; but he was invited 
to Ipswich, where there were many rich and able men, and 
several of his acquaintances, so he went to them and is 
their minister. About half the expense was repaid, the 
rest he was allowed to keep for his services amongst them. 



CHAPTER XVn 

Consignments of Fur to England — ^The plague in London — 
Disorganization of the accounts — Dispute between the Liondon 
partners — The Pequot Indians get unruly- — Oldham killed— 
John Rayner minister: 1636. 

Mr. Edward Winslow was elected Governor this year. 

The previous year, seeing from Mr. Winslow's later 
letters that no accounts would be sent, they had resolved 
to keep the beaver and send no more till they had them, 
or some further agreement had been come to. At least 
they decided to wait till Mr. Winslow came back, and 
they could arrive at what was best. When he came, 
though he brought no accounts, he persuaded them to send 
the beaver, and was confident that upon receipt of it and 
his letters they would have the accounts next year; and 
though they thought his ground for hope was weak, they 
yielded to his importunity, and sent it by a ship at the 
latter end of the year, which took 1150 lbs. of beaver and 
200 otter skins, besides many small furs, such as 55 mink, 
two black fox skins, etc. 

This year, in the Spring, came a Dutchman, who had 
intended to trade at the Dutch fort, but they would not 
permit him. So, having a large stock of trading goods, 
he came here and offered them for sale. They bought a 
good quantity that were very suitable, such as Dutch roll, 
kettles, etc, amounting to the value of £500, for pay- 
ment of which they gave bills on Mr. Sherley in England, 
having already sent the parcel of beaver mentioned above. 
By another ship this year they again sent a further con- 
siderable quantity, which would reach him and be sold 

275 



276 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

before any of these bills came due. The quantity of beaver 
then sent was 1809 lbs,, and 10 otter skins; and shortly 
after, the same year, then sent by another ship, of which 
one Langrume was captain, 719 lbs. of beaver, and 199 
otter skins, concerning which Mr. Sherley writes as follows. 

James Sherley in London to the New Plymouth Colony: 

I have received your letters with eight hogshead of beaver, by 
Edward Wilkinson, captain of the Falcon. Blessed be God for its 
safe arrival. I have also seen and accepted three bills of exchange. 
. . . But I must acquaint you that the Lord's hand is heavy upon 
this kingdom in many parts, but chiefly in this city, with His 
judgment of the plague. Last week's bill was 1200 deaths, and I 
fear this will be more, and it is much feared that it will be a 
winter sickness. It is incredible the number of people who have 
gone into the country in consequence — many more than went out 
during the last plague. So there is no trading here; carriers from 
most places are forbidden to enter; and money, though long due, 
cannot be obtained. Air. Hall owes us more than would pay these 
bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in the country, 60 miles from 
London. I wrote to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am 
sure that if I were to offer to sell the beaver at eight shillings per 
lb. I could not get the money. But when the Lord shall please to 
cease His hand, I hope we shall have better and quicker markets ; 
so it shall lie by in the meantime. Before I accepted the bills, I 
acquainted Mr. Beauchamp and Mr. Andrews about them, that no 
money could be got, and that it would be a great discredit to you 
to refuse the bills, — none having ever been dishonoured, — and a 
shame to us, with 1800 lbs. of beaver lying by, and more already 
owing than the bills came to, etc. But it was useless ; neither 
of them would lift a finger to help. I offered to put up my third 
part, but they said they neither could nor would, etc. However, 
your bills shall be met ; but I did not think they would have deserted 
either you or me at this time. . . . You will expect me to write 
more fully and answer your letters, but I am not a day each week 
at home in town. I take my books and all to Clapham ; for here 
it is the most miserable time that I think has been known in many 
ages. I have known three great plagues, but none like this. And 
that which should be a means to pacify the Lord, and help us, 
is denied us, for preaching is put down in many places, — not a 
sermon In Westminster on the Sabbath, nor in many towns about 
us; the Lord in mercy look upon us. Early in the year there was 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 277 

a great drought, and no rain for many weeks, so that everything 
was burnt up, — hay at £5 a load ; and now there is nothing but rain, 
so that much summer corn and late hay is spoilt. Thus the Lord 
sends judgment after judgment, and yet we cannot see, or humble 
ourselves, and therefore may justly fear heavier judgments, unless 
we speedily repent and turn unto Him, which the Lord give us grace 
to do if it be His blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember us 
in your prayers, I ever rest 

Your loving friend, 
Sept. 14th, 1636. JAMES SHERLEY. 

This w^as all the ansv^^er they had from Mr. Sherley, 
which made Mr. Winslow's hopes fail him. So they de- 
cided to send no more beaver till they came to some set- 
tlement. But now^ there came letters from Mr. Andrews 
and Mr. Beauchamp, full of complaints, surprised that 
nothing had been sent over to meet the amounts due them, 
and that it appeared by the account sent in 1631 that they 
were each of them out about £1100 apiece, and all this 
time they had not received one penny towards it; and now 
Mr. Sherley was trying to get more money from them, 
and was offended because they refused him. They blamed 
them here very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley and 
nothing to them. The partners here wondered at this, 
for they supposed that much of their money had been paid 
in, and that each of them had received a proportionate 
quantity yearly, out of the large returns sent home. They 
had sent home since the account was received in 163 1, — 
which included all and more than all their debts, with that 
year's supplies, — goods to the following amount: 

skins 



Nov. i8th, 1631. 


By Mr. Pierce 


400 lbs. 


of beaver; 


otter 20 


July 13th, 1632. 


" " Griffin 


1348 " 


" 


" 147 


1633- 


" " Graves 


3366 " 


(( 


" 346 


1634. 


" " Andrews 


3738 " 


C( 


" 234 


163s 


" " Babb 


iiso " 


(( 


" 200 


June 24th, 1636 


" " Wilkinson 


1809 " 


<( 


10 


1636 


" " Langrume 


719 " 


(( 


" 199 



12530 " " " 1156 



278 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

All these quantities were safely received and well sold, 
as appeared by letters. The coat beaver usually sold at 
twenty shillings per lb., and sometimes at twenty-four 
shillings ; otter skins at fifteen shillings, and sometimes 
sixteen shillings each, — I do not remember any under four- 
teen shillings. It may be that the last year's shipment 
fetched less; but there were some small furs not reckoned 
in this account, and some black beaver at high rates, to 
make up any such deficit. It was calculated that the above 
parcels of beaver came to little less than £10,000 sterling, 
and the otter skins would pay all the expenses, and, with 
other furs, make up besides whatever might be short of 
the former sum. When the former account was passed, 
all their debts, those of the White Angel and Friendship 
included, came to but £4770. They estimated that all the 
supplies sent them since, and bills paid for them, could 
not exceed £2000; so that their debts should have been 
paid with interest. 

It may be objected; how came it that they did not 
know the exact amount of their receipts, as they did of 
their returns, but had to estimate them? Two things were 
the cause of it; the first and principal was, that the new 
accountant, who was pressed upon them from England, 
wholly failed them, and could never render them any ac- 
counts. He trusted to his memory and loose papers, and 
let things run into such confusion, that neither he nor 
anyone else could bring things to rights. Whenever he 
was called upon to perfect his accounts, he desired to have 
so long, or such a time of leisure, and he would finish 
them. In the interim he fell very ill, and in conclusion 
he could make no account at all. His books, after a brief 
good beginning, were left altogether imperfect, and of 
his papers, some were lost and others so confused that 
he knew not what to make of them himself when they 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 279 

came to be examined. This was not unknown to Mr. 
Sherley; and the colony came to smart for it to some 
purpose, both in England and here, though it was not 
their fault. They reckon they have lost in consequence 
some hundred of pounds for goods sold on credit, which 
were ultimately a dead loss for want of clear accounts to 
call for payment. Another reason of the mischief was, 
that after Mr. Winslow was sent into England to demand 
accounts and to take exception to the White Angel, no 
prices were sent with their goods, and no proper invoice 
of them; everything was confused, and they were obliged 
to guess at the prices. 

They wrote back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp, 
and told them they wondered they could say that they had 
sent nothing home since the last accounts; they had sent 
a great deal, and it might rather be wondered how they 
could send so much, beside all the expenses here and what 
the French had captured, and what had been lost at sea 
when Mr. Pierce's ship was wrecked off the coast of 
Virginia. What they had sent was sent to them all, to 
them as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they had not looked 
after it, it was their own faults ; they must refer them to 
Mr. Sherley who had received it from whom they should 
demand it. They also wrote tb Mr. Sherley to the same 
purpose, and what the others' complaints were. 

This year, two shallops going to Connecticut with goods 
from Massachusetts, belonging to those who had gone there 
to settle, were wrecked in an easterly storm, coming into 
the harbour at night. The boatmen were drowned, and 
the goods were driven all along the shore, and strewn up 
and down at high-water mark. But the Governor had 
them collected and an inventory made of them, and they 
were washed and dried. So most of the goods were saved 
and restored to the owners. Afterwards another boat 



S80 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

from the same place, and bound for the same destination, 
was wrecked at Manoanscusett, and the goods that came 
ashore were preserved for them. Such misfortunes the 
Connecticut settlers from Massachusetts met with in their 
beginnings, and some thought them a correction from God 
for their intrusion there, to the injury of others. But I 
dare not be so bold with God's judgments as to say that 
it was so. 

In the year 1634, the Pequots, a warlike tribe that had 
conquered many of its neighbours and was puffed up 
with numerous victories, were at variance with the Narra- 
gansetts, a great neighboring tribe. These Narragansetts 
held correspondence and were on terms of friendship with 
the English of Massachusetts. The Pequots, being con- 
scious of the guilt of the death of Captain Stone, whom 
they knew to be an Englishman, and of those who were 
with him, and having fallen out with the Dutch, lest they 
should have too many enemies at once, wished to make 
friends with the English of Massachusetts, and sent mes- 
sengers and gifts to them, as is shown by some letters from 
the Governor there, as follows. 

Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts to the New Plymouth Colony: 

Dear and worthy Sir, 

To let you know something about our affairs. The Pequots have 
sent to us desiring our friendship, and offering much wampum and 
beaver, etc. The first messengers were dismissed without answer ; 
with the next we had several days' conference, and taking the 
advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we 
concluded a peace and friendship with them, on these conditions : 
that they should deliver to us the men who were guilty of Stone's 
death. ... If we desired to settle in Connecticut they should give 
up their right to us, and we should trade with them as friends, — 
the chief thing aimed at. To this they readily agreed ; and begged 
that we should mediate a peace between them and the Narra- 
gansetts, for which purpose they were willing that we should give 
the Narragansetts part of the present they would bestow on us, — 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 281 

for they stood §o much on their honour that thej' would not be 
seen to give anything of themselves. As for Captain Stone, they 
told us there were but two left who had a hand in his death and 
that they killed him in a just quarrel, for he surprised two of 
their men, and bound them, and forced them to show him the 
way up the river. He went ashore with two others, nine Indians 
secretly watching him ; and when they were asleep that night they 
killed him and the others, to free their own men ; and some of 
them going afterwards to the pinnace, it was suddenly blown up. 
We are now preparing to send a pinnace to them. 

In another of his he writes thus: 

Our pinnace has lately returned from the Pequots; they did little 
trade, and found them a very false tribe, so they mean to have 
no more to do with them. I have many other things to write you. 

Yours ever assured. 

JOHN WINTHROP. 
Boston, I2ih of the first month, 1634. 

After these occurrences, and as I take it, this year, John 
Oldham, so often mentioned before, now an inhabitant of 
Massachusetts, went trading with a small vessel, weakly- 
manned, into the south parts, and upon a quarrel be- 
tween him and the Indians was killed by them, as was 
before noted, at an Island called by the Indians, Munisses, 
but since by the English, Block Island. This, with the 
death of Stone, and the trifling of the Pequots with the 
English of Massachusetts, incited the latter to send out 
a party to take revenge and require satisfaction for these 
wrongs ; but it was done so superficially, and without 
acquainting those of Connecticut and their other neigh- 
bours with the project, that little good came of it. In- 
deed, to their neighbours it did more harm than good, 
for some of the murderers of Oldham fled to the Pequots, 
and though the English went to the Pequots and had some 
parley with them, they only deluded them, and the English 
returned without doing anything effective. After th§ 



282 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

English had returned, the Pequots watched their oppor- 
tunity to kill some of the English as they passed in boats, 
or went out fowling; and next spring even attacked them 
in their homes, as will appear. I only touch upon these 
things, because I have no doubt they will be more fully 
covered by those who have more exact knowledge of them, 
and whom they more properly concern. 

This year Mr. Smith resigned his ministry, partly by 
his own wish, thinking it too heavy a burden, and partly 
at the persuasion of others. So the church looked out 
for some one else, having often been disappointed in their 
hopes before. But it pleased the Lord to send them an 
able and godly man, Mr. John Rayner, meek and humble 
in spirit, sound in the truth, and every way unreprovable 
in his life and conversation. After some time of trial 
they chose him as their minister, the fruits of whose labours 
they enjoyed many years with much comfort, in peace and 
good agreement. 



CHAPTER XVin 

The war with the Peqiiot Indians— Co-operation between the 
Colonies — The Narragansett Indians allies of the English — 
The Peqiiot Fort attacked and taken — The Pequots routed and 
subdued — The Narragansett Indians jealous of the Monhiggs 
under Uncas — James Sherley discharged from his agency in 
London: 1637. 

In the early part of this year the Pequots openly attacked 
the English in Connecticut, along the lower parts of the 
river, and killed many of them as they were at work in 
the fields, both men and women, to the great terror of the 
rest ; then they went off in great pride and triumph, with 
many high threats. They also attacked a fort at the river's 
mouth, tliough strong and well defended; and though they 
did not succeed there, it struck those within with fear 
and astonishment to see their bold attempts in the face of 
danger. This made them stand upon their guard every- 
where, and prepare for resistance, and they earnestly so- 
licited their friends and neighbours in Massachusetts to 
send them speedy aid, for they looked for more forcible 
onslaughts. So Mr. Vane, who was then Governor, wrote 
from their General Court to those here, asking them to 
join with them in this war, which they were cordially will- 
ing to do, but took the opportunity to write to them about 
some previous events, as well as the present trouble, and 
pertinent to it. The succeeding Governor's answer I will 
here insert. 

Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the New Plymouth Colony: 

Sir, 

The Lord having so disposed that j'our letters to our late Gov- 
ernor have fallen to my lot to answer, I could wish I had more 

283 



284 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

freedom of time and thought so that I might do it more to 3'our 
and my own satisfaction. But what is wanting now can be sup- 
plied later. As for the matters which you and your Council 
submit to our consideration, we did not think it advisable to make 
them so public as by bringing them to the cognizance of our 
General Court. But having been considered by our Council, this 
answer we think fit to return to you. 

1. Whereas you signify your willingness to join us in this war 
against the Pequots, though you cannot bind yourselves without 
the consent of your General Court, we' acknowledge your good 
feeling towards us, which we never had cause to doubt, and await 
3'our full resolution in due course. 

2. Whereas you consider this war concerns us, and not you, ex- 
cept incidentally, we partly agree with you ; but we suppose that in 
case of peril j'ou will not act upon that consideration any more 
than we should do in like case. We suppose you look upon the 
Pequots and all other Indians as a common enemy, who though he 
may vent the first outburst of his rage upon some one section of 
the English, nevertheless, if he succeed, will thereupon pursue 
his advantage to the undoing of the whole nation. Therefore, in 
soliciting your help, we do so with respect to your own safety 
as well as ours. 

3. Whereas you desire that we should bind ourselves to help you 
on all similar occasions, we are convinced you cannot doubt it ; 
but as we now deal with you as an independent colony, recog- 
nizing that we cannot involve you in this campaign against your 
consent, so we desire the same freedom of decision if at any time 
you make a similar call upon us; and whereas it is objected that 
we refused to aid j'ou against the French, we consider the cases 
are not quite equivalent, though we cannot wholly excuse our 
failing you on that occasion. 

4. Whereas you object that we began the war without consulting 
you, and have since managed it contrary to your advice ; the truth 
is that our first intentions being only against Block Island and the 
enterprise seeming of small difficulty, we did not so much as 
consider taking advice or looking for aid. When we had decided 
to include the Pequots, we sent to you at once, or very shortly after, 
and by the time your answer was received it seemed unadvisable 
for us to change our plans. 

5. As for our people trading at Kennebec, we assure you it has 
not been with our permission; and what we have provided to meet 
such cases at our last court, Mr. Winslow can inform you. 

6. Whereas you object to our trading and corresponding with 
your enemies the French, we answer 3'ou are misinformed. Ex- 
cept for some letters which have passed between our late Governor 
and them, of which we were cognizant, we have neither traded nor: 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 285 

encouraged our people to trade with them; and only one or two 
vessels taking letters had permission from our Governor to go 
there.* 

Several other objections have been made to us privately by our 
worthy friend, to which he has received some answer; but as most 
of them concern particular discourtesies or injuries from indi- 
viduals here, we cannot say more than this: that if the offenders 
are exposed in the right way, we shall be ready to do justice as 
the cases require. In the meantime we desire you to rest assured, 
that such things are done without our knowledge, and are not a 
little grievous to us. 

Now as to joining us in this war, which only concerns us to the 
same extent as it does yourselves, viz., the relief of our friends 
and Christian brethren who are now first in danger. Though you 
may think us able to carry it through without you, — and if the Lord 
please to be with us, so we may, — nevertheless three things we 
offer for your consideration, which we think will have some weight 
with you. 

First, if we should sink under this burden, your opportunity of 
seasonable help would be lost in three respects ; you could then 
only reinforce us or secure yourselves there at three times the 
risk and' expense of the present undertaking; the suffering we 
should have borne, if through your neglect, would much reduce 
the acceptableness of your help afterwards ; those amongst you 
who are now full of courage and zeal, would be dispirited and 
less able to support so great a burden. 

Secondly, it is very important to hasten the conclusion of this 
war before the end of this summer, otherwise the news of it will 
discourage both your and our friends from coming over to us next 
year, besides the further risk and loss it would expose us to, as 
yourselves may judge. 

Thirdly, if the Lord please to bless our endeavours, so that we 
end the war, or succeed in it without you, it may breed such ill 
thoughts in our people towards yours, that it will be thereafter 
difficult to entertain such opinion of your good-will towards us 
as is fitting in neighbours and brethren. What ill consequences 
might result on both sides, wise men may well fear, and would 
rather prevent than hope to redress. With hearty salutations to 
yourself and all your council and our other good friends with you 
I rest, 

Yours most assured in the Lord, 

JOHN WINTHROP. 
Boston, the 20th of the third month, 1637. 

*By this means they furnished then" ifith supplies, and have 
continued to do so. 



286 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

In the meantime the Pequots, especially the winter be- 
fore, had sought to make peace with the Narragansetts, 
and used very pernicious arguments to persuade them: 
the English were strangers, and were beginning to over- 
spread their country, and would deprive them of it in time 
if they were allowed thus to increase; if the Narragansetts 
were to assist the English to subdue them, the Pequots, they 
would only make way for their own overthrow, for then 
the English would soon subjugate them; but if they would 
listen to their advice, they need not fear the strength of 
the English, for they would not make open war upon them, 
but fire their houses, kill their cattle, and lie in ambush 
for them as they went about the country — all of which 
they could do with but little danger to themselves. By 
these means they easily saw the English could not long 
hold out, but would either be starved or forced to leave 
the country. They urged these and similar arguments so 
strongly, that the Narragansetts were wavering, and half- 
minded to make peace with them and join them against 
the English. But when they reconsidered what wrongs 
they had suffered from the Pequots, and what an oppor- 
tunity they now had, with the help of the English, to repay 
them, revenge was so sweet to them that it prevailed over 
everything else. So they resolved to join the English 
against them ; and they did so. 

The court here agreed to send fifty men at their own 
expense, and with all possible speed got them armed, with 
sufficient leaders, and a bark to carry their provisions 
and supply all their needs. But when they were ready 
to march, with a contingent from the Bay, they had word 
that the enemy were as good as vanquished, and there 
would be no need of them. 

I shall not take upon myself to describe in detail what 
had occurred, because I expect it will be done fully by 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 287 

those who best know the circumstances; I will only touch 
upon tliem in general. From Connecticut, where they 
were most alive to the present danger and all that it threat- 
ened, they raised a party of men, and another party met 
them from the Bay at a place where the Narragansetts 
were to join them. The Narragansetts were anxious to 
be gone, before the English were well rested and refreshed, 
especially some of them that had arrived last, for they 
wanted to come upon the enemy suddenly and undiscov- 
ered. A bark belonging to New Plymouth had just put 
in there, having come from Connecticut, and urged them 
to profit by the Indians' keenness, and to show them- 
selves as eager as they were, for it would encourage them, 
and promptness would result to their great advantage. 
So they proceeded at once, and arranged their march so 
that they reached the fort of the enemy, in which most 
of their chief men were, before day. They approached it 
in utter silence, and both the English and Indians sur- 
rounded it, so that they should not escape. They then made 
the attack with great courage, speedily forcing an entrance 
to the fort, and shooting amongst them. Those that en- 
tered first met with fierce resistance, the enemy shooting 
and grappling with them. Others of the attacking party 
ran to their houses and set them on fire, the mats catch- 
ing quickly, and, all standing close together, the wind soon 
fanned them into a blaze, — in fact more were burnt to 
death than killed otherwise. It burnt their bowstrings 
and made their weapons useless, and those that escaped 
the fire were slain by the sword, — some hewn to pieces, 
others run through with their rapiers, so that they were 
quickly dispatched and very few escaped. It is believed 
that there were about 400 killed. It was a fearful sight 
to see them frying in the fire, with streams of blood quench- 
ing it; the smell was horrible, but the victory seemed a 



288 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OFj 

sweet sacrifice, and they gave praise to God Who had 
wrought so wonderfully for tliem, thus to enclose their 
enemy, and give them so speedy a victory over such a 
proud and insulting foe. The Narragansett Indians all 
this while stood round, but kept aloof from danger, and left 
the whole execution to the English, except to stop any who 
broke away; but they mocked their enemies in their defeat 
and misery, calling out to them when they saw them 
dancing in the flames a word which in the language of the 
vanquished Indians signified, O brave Pequots! and which 
^vas used by them in their prayers, and in their songs of 
triumph after victory. 

After this attack had been thus fortunately concluded 
they marched to the waterside, where they met with some 
of their vessels, by which they were refreshed with food 
and other necessaries. But during their march the rem- 
nant of the Pequots, who had escaped, collected in a body, 
intending to take advantage of them at a neck of land they 
had to cross ; but when they saw the English prepared for 
them, they kept aloof, so they neither did any harm nor 
received any. After refreshing themselves and taking 
further counsel, they resolved to follow up their victory 
and make war upon the rest ; but most of the Narragansett 
Indians forsook them, and those that they kept with them 
for guides they found very unwilling, either from envy, 
or because they saw the English would profit more by the 
victory than they were willing they should, or perhaps 
deprive them of the advantage of having the Pequots be- 
come tributary to them. 

For the rest of these events, and the further campaign 
against the Pequots, I will relate them as given in a letter 
from Mr. Winthrop to the Governor here. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 28d 

Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the Governor of New 
Plymouth: 

Worthy Sir, 

I received your loving letter, and am anxious to express my 
affection for you, but lack of time forbids. My desire is to acquaint 
you with the Lord's mercies towards us, in prevailing against His 
and our enemies, that you may rejoice and praise His name with 
us. About 80 of our men coasted along towards the Dutch planta- 
tion, sometimes by water but mostly by land, and met here and 
there with some Pequots, whom they slew or took prisoners. They 
captured two sachems and beheaded them, and not hearing of 
Sassacus, the chief sachem, they gave a prisoner his Hfe to go and 
find him. He went and brought them word where he was; but 
Sassacus suspecting him to be a spy, fled, after he had gone, with 
some twenty more, to the Mohawks, so our men missed him. How- 
ever, they divided themselves, and ranged up and down as the 
providence of God directed them, for their Indian allies had all 
gone, except three or four, who did not know how to guide them, 
or else would not. 

On the 13th of the month they chanced upon a large band of 
the tribe, 80 men and 200 women and children, in a small Indian 
town close by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into before 
our men could get to them. Our captains had not yet come up; 
but there were Mr. Ludlow and Captain Mason with some ten 
of their men, and Captain Patrick with some twenty or more of 
his, the noise of whose shooting attracted Captain Trask with 
fifty more. Then order was given to surround the swamp, which 
was about a mile round; but Lieutenant Davenport and some 
twelve more, not hearing the command, rushed into the swamp 
among the Indians. It was so thick with shrubwood, and so 
boggy, that some of them stuck fast, and were wounded by many 
shots. Lieutenant Davenport was dangerously wounded near the 
armhole, and another man was shot in the head, and they were 
so weak that they were in great danger of being captured by the 
Indians. But Sergeant Riggs and Jeffrey, and two or three more, 
rescued them, and killed several Indians with their swords. After 
they had been brought out, the Indians desired parley. Through 
Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, terms were offered: that if they 
would come out and j-ield they should have their lives, except 
such as had had their hands in English blood. Whereupon the 
sachem of the place came out, and an old man or two, and their 
wives and children, and after that some other women and children; 
and they parleyed for two hours till it was night. Then Thomas 
Stanton was sent to them again to call them out; but they said 



290 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

they would sell their lives there, and forthwith shot at him so 
fiercely that if he had not cried out and been rescued at once 
they would have killed him. 

Then our men cleared the swamp with their swords, till the 
Indians were cooped up in so narrow a compass that they could 
kill them more easily through the thickets. So they stood all night 
about twelve feet apart from each other, the Indians coming close 
up to our men and shooting their arrows so that they pierced their 
hatbrims, their sleeves, their stockings, and other parts of their 
clothes; but so miraculously did the Lord preserve them that not 
one of them was wounded except the three who had so rashly 
entered the swamp. Just before day it grew very dark, and some 
of the Indians who were still alive got through between our men, 
though they stood not more than twelve or fourteen feet apart; 
but they were soon discovered, and some were pursued and killed. 
Upon searching the swamp next morning tliey found nine slain, 
and some they pulled up whom the Indians had buried in the 
mire ; so they think that of all the band not twenty escaped. After- 
wards they found some who had died of their wounds while in 
flight. 

The prisoners were divided, some being sent to the people of the 
Connecticut River, and the rest to us. Of these we are sending the 
male children to Bermuda* with Mr. William Pierce, and the 
women and female children are distributed through the towns. In 
all, there have now been killed and taken prisoners about 700. 
The rest are scattered, and the Indians in all quarters are so terri- 
fied that they are afraid to give them sanctuary. Two of the 
sachems of Long Island came to Mr. Stoughton and offered them- 
selves as tributaries, under their protection ; and two of the Neep- 
nett sachems have been here to seek our friendship. Among the 
prisoners we have the wife and children of Mononotto, the former 
a modest looking woman of good behaviour. It was by her media- 
tion that the two English girls were spared from death and used 
kindly; so I have taken charge of her. One of her first requests 
was that the English should not abuse her body, and that her 
children might not be taken from her. Those that had been 
wounded were soon brought back by John Galop, who came with 
his shallop in a happy hour, to bring them food and take the 
wounded to the pinnace where our chief surgeon was, with Mr. 
Wilson, about eight leagues off. Our people are all in good health, 
the Lord be praised, and although they had marched in their arms 
all day and had been in the fight all night, they professed they 
were so fresh that they could readily have started off on another 
such expedition. 

*But they were taken to the West Indies. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 291 

This is the substance o£ what I received, though I am forced 
to omit several considerable circumstances. So, being much pressed 
for time, — the ships sailing in four days, taking Lord Lee and 
Mr. Vane, — I will break off, and with hearty salutations, I rest 

Yours assured, 

JOHN WINTHROP. 

P. S. — The captain reports we have killed 13 Sachems; but 
Sassacus and Mononotto are still Uving. 
28th of the fifth month, 1637. 

That I may make an end of the matter, this Sassacus, 
the Pequot's chief sachem, having fled to the Mohawks, 
they cut off his head, and executed some other of their 
leaders, whether to satisfy the English or the Narragan- 
setts, — ^who as I have since heard hired them to do it, — 
or for their own advantage, I do not know; but thus the 
war ended. The rest of the Pequots were utterly routed. 
Some of them submitted themselves to the Narragansetts 
and lived under them ; but others betook themselves to 
the IMonhiggs, under their sachem, Uncas, with the appro- 
bation of the English of Connecticut, under whose protec- 
tion Uncas lived, he and his men having been faithful to 
them in the war, and having done them very good ser- 
vice. But it so vexed the Narragansetts, that they had not 
the whole sway over them, that they never ceased plotting 
and contriving how to subjugate them; and when they 
found they could not attain their ends, owing to English 
protection, they tried to raise a general conspiracy against 
the English, as will appear later. 

They received letters again from Mr. Andrews and Mr. 
Beaucliamp in England, saying that Mr. Sherley neither 
had paid nor would pay them any money, nor give them 
any account. They were very vexed, blaming them still 
that they had sent everything to Mr. Sherley and none to 
themselves. Now, though they might have justly referred 
them to their former answer, and insisted upon it. and some 



292 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

wise advisers urgea them to do so, nevertheless, as they 
believed they weve really out substantial sums of money, 
especially Mr. Andrews, they resolved to send them what 
beaver they had on their hands ; but they delayed doing so 
till next year. Mr. Sherley's letters were to this purpose: 
that as the other partners had abandoned him in the pay- 
ment of former bills, so now he told them he would 
abandon them in this ; and, believe it, they should find it 
true. And he was as good as his word, for they could never 
get a penny from him, nor bring him to account, though 
Mr. Beauchamp sued him in Chancery. But they all turned 
their complaints against the New Plymouth partners, where 
there was least cause; indeed they had suffered most un- 
justly. They discharged Mr. Sherley from his agency, and 
forbade him to buy or send over any more goods for them, 
and urged him to come to an end with their affairs. 



CHAPTER XIX 

Trial of three Murderers — Rise in value of Livestock- 
Earthquake: 1638. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor. 

Amongst other enormities that occurred this year three 
men were tried and executed for robbery and murder. 
Their names were Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and 
Richard Stinnings. There was a fourth, Daniel Crose, 
who was also found guilty, but he escaped and could not 
be found. Arthur Peach was the ringleader. He was a 
strong and desperate young man, and had been one of 
the soldiers in the Pequot war, and had done as good 
service as any there, always being one of the first in any 
attack. Being now out of means and loth to work, and 
taking to idle ways and company, he intended to go to 
the Dutch colony, and had lured the other three, who were 
servants and apprentices, to go with him. But there was 
also another cause for his going away secretly in this 
manner ; he had not only run into debt, but he had seduced 
a girl, a maid-servant in the town, and fear of punishment 
made him wish to get away, though this was not known 
till after his death. The other three ran away from their 
masters in the night, and could not be heard of, for they 
did not go by the ordinary route, but shaped such a course 
as they thought would evade pursuit. Finding tliemselves 
somewhere between the Bay of Massachusetts and the 
Narragansetts' country, and wishing to rest, they made a 
fire a little off the road by the wayside, and took tobacco. 
At length there came a Narragansett Indian by, who had 

293 



294 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

been trading at the Bay, and had some cloth and beads 
with him. They had met him the day before, and now he 
was returning. Peach called him to come and drink to- 
bacco with them, and he came and sat down. He had 
told the others he would kill the Indian and take his goods. 
The others were afraid ; but Peach said, Hang the rogue, he 
has killed many of us. So tliey let him do as he would, 
and when he saw his opportunity he took his rapier and ran 
the man through the body once or twice, and took from him 
five fathoms of wampum and three coats of cloth; and 
then they went their way, leaving him for dead. But the 
Indian managed to scramble up when they had gone, and 
made shift to get home. By this means they were dis- 
covered, and the Indians caught them; for, wanting a 
canoe to take them over the water, and not thinking their 
act was known, by the sachem's command they were taken 
to Aquidnett Island, and were there accused of the deed, 
and examined and committed upon it by the English. The 
Indians sent for Mr. Williams, and made grievous com- 
plaint; and the friends and relatives of the injured native 
were ready to rise in arms and incite the rest to do the 
same, believing they would now find the Pequot's words 
were true: that the English would turn upon them. But 
Mr. Williams pacified them, and told them they should see 
justice done upon the offenders, and went to the wounded 
man and took Mr. James, the physician, with him. The 
man told him who did it, and how it was done. The 
physician found his wounds mortal, and that he could not 
live, as he testified upon oath before the jury in open court. 
He died shortly after. The Governor at the Bay was 
acquainted with it, but referred it to New Plymouth, be- 
cause the act was committed in this jurisdiction; but he 
urged that by all means justice should be done, or it 
would cause a war. Nevertheless, some of the more ig- 



THE PLY:M0UTII settlement 295 

norant colonists objected that an Englisliman should be 
put to death for an Indian. So at last the murderers were 
brought home from the Island, and after being tried, and 
the evidence produced, they all in the end freely confessed 
to all the Indian had accused them of, and that they had 
done it in the manner described. So they were condemned 
by the jury, and executed. Some of the Narragansett 
Indians and the murdered man's friends, were present when 
it was done, which gave them and all the country satisfac- 
tion. But it was a matter of much sadness to them here, 
as it was the second execution since they came, — both being 
for wilful murder. 

This year they received more letters from England, full 
of renewed complaints, on the one hand that Mr. Beau- 
champ and Mr. Andrews could get no money or account- 
ing from Mr. Sherley, on the other that the latter should 
be importuned by them, retorting that he would account 
with those here and not with them, etc. So, as had been 
decided before, viz., that if nothing came of their last 
letters, they would then send them what fur they could, 
thinking that when some good part had been paid to tliem, 
Mr. Sherley and they would more easily agree about the 
remainder, — they now sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beau- 
champ through Mr. Joseph Young in the Mary and Anne 
1325 lbs. of beaver divided between them. Mr. Beauchamp 
returned an account of his share, showing that he made 
£400 sterling out of it, freight and all expenses paid. 
But Mr. Andrews, though he had the larger and better half, 
did not make so much out of his through his own indis- 
cretion, and yet charged the loss, which was about £40, 
to them here. They sent them more by bills and other 
payments, which was received and acknowledged by them, 
and divided between them, such as for cattle of Mr. Aller- 
ton's which were sold, and the price of a bark which be- 



296 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

longed to the stock and was sold, amounting to £434 
sterling. The total value was thus £1234 sterling, except 
what Mr. Andrews had lost on his beaver, and which was 
made good otherwise. But this did not stay their clamours, 
as will appear hereafter. 

It pleased God about this time to bless the country with 
such an influx of people that it was much enriched, and 
cattle of all kinds stood at high prices for many years. 
Cows were sold at £20, some at £25 apiece, sometimes 
even at £28. A cow-calf usually fetched £10; a milch- 
goat £3, and sometimes £4; and she-kids thirty shillings 
and often £2 apiece. By this means the original settlers 
who had stock began to increase in wealth. Corn also 
commanded a high price, viz., six shillings a bushel. So 
other trading began to be neglected, and the old partners, 
having forbidden Mr. Sherley to send them any more 
goods, abandoned their trade at Kennebec, and, as things 
stood, decided to follow it no longer. But a few of them 
were loth that it should all be lost by closing it entirely, 
so they joined with some others and agreed to give the 
colony about one-sixth of the profits from it; and with the 
first fruits of this the colony built a house for a prison. 
The trade at Kennebec has since been continued to the 
great benefit of the place; for, as some well foresaw, such 
high prices for corn and cattle could not long continue, 
and the revenue got by trade would be much missed. 

This year, about the ist or 2nd of June, there was a 
fearful earthquake. Here it was heard before it was 
felt. It began with a rumbling noise, or low murmur, 
like remote thunder; it came from the northward and 
passed southward. As the noise approached, the earth 
began to shake, and at length with such violence that 
platters, dishes, and other things standing on shelves came 
clattering down, and people were afraid for the houses 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 297 

themselves. It happened that at the time several of the 
chief citizens of the town were holding a meeting in a house, 
conferring with some of tlieir friends who were about to 
move from the place — as if the Lord would hereby show 
His displeasure at their thus shaking apart and removing 
from one another. It was very terrible for a while, and as 
the men sat talking in the house, some women and others 
were just out of doors, and the earth shook with such 
violence that they could not stand without catching hold 
of the posts and palings near by. But the violence did not 
last long. About half an hour after, or less, came another 
noise and shaking, but not so severe as before, and not 
lasting long. Some ships along the coast were shaken by 
it; but it was not only felt near the sea, for the Indians 
noticed it inland. So powerful is the mighty hand of the 
Lord as to make both the earth and the sea to shake, and 
the mountains to tremble before Him when He pleases ; 
and who can stay His hand? 

It was observed that the summers for several years after 
this earthquake were not so hot and seasonable for the 
ripening of corn and other fruits as formerly, but were 
colder and more moist and subject to early and untimely 
frosts, so that often much Indian corn failed. Whether 
this was the cause, I leave it to naturalists to judge. 



CHAPTER XX 

Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and Massh- 
chusetts — First steps towai'ds winding up the partnership by 
a composition: 1639 and 1640. 

I will combine the?e two years, because there occurred 
but little of interest outside of the ordinary affairs of the 
colony. New Plymouth had several times granted land 
for various townships, and, amongst the rest, to the in- 
habitants of Scituate, some of them coming from here. 
A large tract of land there had also been given to their 
four London partners, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. 
Andrews, and Mr. Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley's re- 
quest, the locality was fixed upon for himself and them, 
for the other three had given him power to choose for them. 
This tract of land extended up to the border-line of their 
neighbours of Massachusetts, who some years later estab- 
lished a town called Hingam on the land next to it. This 
now led to great disputes between these two townships, 
about their boundaries, and some meadow lands that lay 
between them. The inhabitants of Hingam began to allot 
some of these meadows to their people, measuring and 
staking them out for that purpose. The people of Scituate 
pulled up their stakes and threw them away. So it de- 
veloped into a controversy between the two governments. 
Many letters passed between them about it, and it hung 
in suspense for about two years. The Court of Massachu- 
setts appointed men to fix their boundary line according 
to their patent, and the way they went to work made it 
include all Scituate itself, and I know not how much more. 

298 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 299 

On the other hand, according to the boundary Hnes of the 
patent of New Plymouth, theirs would take in Hingam, 
and much more within the bounds they had set. 

In the end both Courts agreed to choose two commis- 
sioners on each side, and give them absolute power to 
settle the boundaries between them, and what they decided 
was to stand irrevocably. They had one meeting at Hingam, 
but could not agree; for their commissioners stood stifily 
on a certain clause in their grant: that their limits should 
extend from Charles River, or any branch or part thereof, 
and 3 miles further to the southward; or, from the most 
southern part of the Massachusetts Bay, and 3 miles 
further south. But they chose to adhere to the former 
limit, for they had found a small river, or brook rather, 
which a long way inland trended far southward and en- 
tered some part of what was taken to be Charles River; 
and from the most southerly part of this, and 3 miles 
further southward, they wished to run a line eastwards 
to the sea, about 20 miles, which would take in a part of 
New Plymouth itself. Now though the patent and colony 
of New Plymouth was much the older, the patent for the 
extension upon which Scituate stood was granted after 
theirs of Massachusetts; so the latter took first place as 
regards this extension. 

The New Plymouth answer to the deputies of Massa- 
chusetts was, they owned that their claims for Scituate 
could not be based in any way upon their original grant ; 
but, on the other hand, neither could the others prove this 
stream to be a part of Charles River, for they did not know 
which Charles River was, except so far as the people here, 
who came first, gave the name to the river upon which 
Charlestown was afterwards built, believing it to be that 
which Captain Smith so named. Now those who first 
named it had best reason to know it, and to explain which 



SOO BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

it was. But they only termed it Charles River as far as it 
was navigated by them, — that is, as far as a boat could go. 
But that all the small brooks that should flow into it, far 
inland, and were all differently named by the natives, should 
now be made out to be the Charles River, or parts of it, 
they saw no reason to allow. They gave an instance of 
the Humber in old England, which had the Trent, Ouse, 
and many other rivers of lesser note running into it; and 
again many smaller brooks fell into the Trent and Ouse; 
but all had their own names. Again, it was contended that 
no mention was made of an east line in their patent ; they 
were to begin at the sea and go west by a line, etc. 

At this meeting, however, no conclusion was reached; 
but things were discussed and well prepared for an issue. 
Next year the same commissioners were appointed, and 
met at Scituate, and concluded the matter as follows. 

The agreement as to ilie boundaries between New Plymouth and 
Massachusetts: 

Whereas there were two commissioners appointed by the two 
jurisdictions ; the one of Massachusetts Government, appointing 
John Endicott, gent., and Israel Stoughton, gent.; the other of 
New Plymouth Government, appointing William Bradford, Gov- 
ernor, and Edward Winslow, gent. ; for the setting out and de- 
termining the boundaries of the lands between the said jurisdic- 
tions, whereby this present age and posterity to come may live 
peaceably and quietly. And for as much as the said commissioners 
on both sides have full power so to do, as appears by the record 
of both jurisdictions, we the said commissioners above named, do 
hereby with one consent and agreement conclude, determine, and 
by these presents declare, that all the marshes at Cohasset that 
lie on the one side of the river next to Hingam shall belong to 
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and all the marshes that lie in 
the other side of the river next to Scituate shall belong to the 
jurisdiction of New Plymouth, except sixty acres of marsh land 
at the mouth of the river on the Scituate side next to the sea, which 
we do hereby agree, conclude and determine, shall belong to the 
jurisdiction pf Massachusetts. And further we do hereby agree, 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 301 

determine, and conclude, that the boundaries between the said 
jurisdictions are as follows, viz. : from the mouth of the brook 
that runs into Cohasset marshes, Vv'hich we call by the name of 
Bound Brook, with a straight and direct line to the middle of a 
great pond that lies on the right hand of the upper path or 
common way that leads between Weymouth and New Plymouth, 
close to the path as we go along, which was formerly, and we 
desire may still be, called Accord Pond, lying about five or six 
miles from Weymouth, southerly; and from thence with a straight 
line to the southernmost part of Charles River, and three miles 
southerly into the country, as expressed in the patent granted by 
his majesty to the Company of the Massachusetts Colony. Pro- 
vided always, and nevertheless concluded and determined by mutual 
agreement between the said commissioners, that if it fall out that 
the said line from Accord Pond to the southernmost part of Charles 
River and three miles southerly, restrict or hinder any part of any 
settlement begun by the Governor of New Plymouth, or hereafter to 
be begun within ten years after the date of these presents, that then 
notwithstanding the said line, where it shall so obtrude as afore- 
said, so much land as shall make up the quantity of eight square 
miles, to belong to every settlement so begun, or to be begun as 
aforesaid ; which we agree, determine, and conclude, to appertain 
and belong to the said Governor of New Plymouth. And whereas 
the said line from the said brook which runs into Cohasset salt 
marshes, called by us Bound Brook, and the pond called Accord 
Pond, lie near the lands belonging to the townships of Scituate and 
Hingham, we do therefore hereby determine and conclude, that if 
any divisions already made and accorded by either of the said 
townships do cross the said line, that then it shall stand and be in 
force according to the former intents and purposes of the said 
towns granting them — the marshes formerly agreed upon excepted; 
and that no town in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceed, but 
contain themselves within the said lines expressed. 

In witness whereof we, the commissioners of both jurisdictions, 
do by these presents indented set our hands and seals, the ninth day 
of the fourth month in the i6th j'ear of our sovereign lord, King 
Charles, and in the year of Our Lord, 1640. 

WILLIAM BRADFORD, Governor JOHN ENDICOTT 
EDWARD WINSLOW ISRAEL STOUGHTON 



The extended New Plymouth patent having been taken 
out in the name of WiUiam Bradford, as in trust, ran in 
these terms; "To him, his heirs, associates, and assigns." 



m BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

But the number of freemen having now greatly increased, 
and several townships being established and settled in 
several quarters such as New Plymouth, Duxbury, Scituate, 
Taunton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marshfield, and 
not long after Seekonk, — afterwards called at the wish of 
the inhabitants Rehoboth, — and Nauset, it was desired by 
the Court that William Bradford should make surrender 
of the same into their hands. This he willingly did. 

In these two years they had several letters from England, 
asking them to send some one over to end the business of 
the accounts with Mr. Sherley, who now professed he could 
not make them up without help from them, especially from 
Mr. Winslow. They had serious thoughts of it, and the 
majority of the partners here believed it best to send; but 
they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters 
that Mr. Winslow was neither willing to go himself, nor that 
any other of the partners should do so ; for he was convinced 
that if any of them, went they would be arrested, and an 
action for such a sum laid upon them that they would be 
unable to procure bail, and would consequently be im- 
prisoned, and that then the partners there could force them 
to do whatever they wished. Or else they might be brought 
into trouble by the archbishop's means, as things then were 
over there. But though they were much inclined to send, 
and Captain Standish was willing to go, they decided, since 
they could not agree about it and it was of such importance, 
and the consequences might prove dangerous, to ask Mr. 
John Winthrop's advice. It seemed the more suitable be- 
cause Mr. Andrews had in many letters acquainted him with 
the differences between them, and appointed him his assign 
to receive his part of the debt; and though they declined to 
pay anything as a debt till the controversy was ended, they 
had deposited £i lo in money in his hands, for Mr. Andrews, 
to be paid to him in part as soon as he should come to any 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT) 303 

agreement with the rest. But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. 
Winslow's mind, and dissuaded them from sending; so 
Ihey abandoned the idea, and returned this answer. That 
the times were dangerous in England as things stood with 
them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered for- 
merly, and for a little thing had been clapped into the 
Fleet, and how long it had been before he could get out, 
to his and their great loss; and things were not better but 
worse in that respect. However, that their honesty might 
be made manifest to all, they made them this offer: to 
refer the case to some gentlemen and merchants at the Bay 
of Massachusetts, such as they should choose, and were 
well-known to them, as they had many friends and acquaint- 
ances there better known to them than to the partners here ; 
and let them be informed of the case by both sides, and re- 
ceive all the evidence that could be produced, in writing or 
otherwise. The partners here would then bind themselves 
to stand by their decision and make good their award, 
though it should cost them all they had in the world. But 
this did not please them ; they were offended at it. So it 
came to nothing; and afterwards Mr. Sherley wrote, that 
if Mr. Winslow would meet him in France, the Low Coun- 
tries, or Scotland, let him name the place, and he would 
come to him there. But owing to the troubles that now 
began to arise in our own nation, and other reasons, this 
did not come to any effect. 

What made them especially desirous to bring things to 
an end was, partly to stop the aspersions cast upon them 
about it, — though they believed that they had suffered 
the greatest wrong and had most cause for complaint; 
and partly because they feared a fall in the price of cattle, 
in which the greatest part of their means was invested. 
This was no vain fear; for it fell indeed before they had 
reached a conclusion, and so suddenly, that the price of a 



304 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

cow which a month before had been at £20, now fell to £5 ; 
and a goat that went at £3 or fifty shillings, would now yield 
but eight shillings or ten shillings at the most. Everyone 
had feared a fall in cattle, but it was thought it would be 
by degrees, and not straight from the highest pitch to the 
lowest. It was a great loss to many, and some were ruined. 
Another reason why they so much wished to close their 
accounts was that many of them were growing aged, — and 
indeed it was a rare thing that so many partners should all 
live together so many years. And they saw many changes 
were likely to occur, so they were loth to leave these 
entanglements upon their children and posterity, who might 
be driven to move their homes as they had done ; indeed they 
themselves might have to do so before they died. However, 
things had still to be left open ; but next year they ripened 
somewhat, though they were then less able to pay for the 
reasons mentioned above. 



CHAPTER XXI 

Further steps towards the Composition between the London 
and New Plymouth i)artners — Dispute with Rev. Charles 
Chamicey about Baptism — Fall in value of livestock — ^Many 
leading men of New Plymouth move from the town: 1611. 

Mr, Sherley being weary of this controversy and desirous 
to end it, wrote to Mr, John Atwood and Mr. William Col- 
lier, two of the inhabitants of this place, and special ac- 
quaintances of his, and desired them to be intermediaries, 
and advise the partners here as to some way of reaching a 
composition by mutual agreement. He also wrote to the 
partners similarly, in part as follows : 

James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth: 

Sir, 

I have written so much concerning the closing of our accounts 
that I confess I do not know what more to write. If you desire an 
end, as you seem to do, there are, I think, only two ways : either we 
can perfect all accounts, from the first to the last, on both sides; 
or we must do it by compounding, and this way, first or last, we 
shall have to come to. If we fight about it at law, we shall both 
only cleave the air, and the lawyers will be the chief gainers. Then 
let us set to the work one way or another and make an end, so 
that I may not continue to suffer both in my reputation and my 
business. Nor are you free in this respect. The gospel suffers by 
your delay, and causes its followers to be ill spoken of. . . . Do 
not be afraid to make a fair and reasonable offer; believe me I shall 
not take advantage of you ; or else let Mr. Winslow come over, and 
let him have full power to compound with me. Otherwise, let the 
accounts be fully made up so that we may close according to the 
figures. Now, blessed be God, times are so much changed here 
that I hope to see many of you return to your native country again, 
and have such freedom and liberty as the word of God prescribes. 

305 



S06 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now. God has 
miraculously confounded them, and brought down all their popish 
and Machiavellian plots and projects upon their own heads. ... I 
pray you take it seriously into consideration ; let each give way a 
little that we may meet. ... Be you and all yours kindly saluted. 
So I ever rest. 

Your loving friend, 

JAMES SHERLEY. 
Clapham, May iStk, 1641. 

Being urged by this letter, and also by Mr. Atwood's 
and Mr. Collier's mediation, to bring things to an end, and 
by none more earnestly than by their own desires, the New 
Plymouth Partners took this course. They appointed these 
two men to meet them on a certain day, and summoned 
other friends on both sides, and Mr. Freeman, brother-in- 
law of Mr. Beauchamp. Having drawn up an inventory of 
all remaining stock whatsoever, such as housing, boats, the 
bark, and all implements belonging to them, used during 
the period of trading; together with the surplus of all com- 
modities, such as beads, knives, hatchets, cloth, or anything 
else, both valueless and saleable ; with all debts, both bad 
and collectable ; and having spent several days upon it with 
the help of all books and papers, either in their hands or 
those of Josias Winslow, their accountant, they found the 
total sum on valuation amounted to £1400. They then all 
of them took a voluntary and solemn oath, in the presence 
of one another and of all their friends above mentioned now 
present, that this was all that any of them knew of or could 
remember; and Josias Winslow did the same on his part. 
But the truth is the valuation was too low ; for, as an 
instance, in reckoning some cattle taken from Mr. Allerton, 
a cow which had cost £25 was so valued in this account ; 
but she subsequently realized only £4-15-0. Also, being con- 
scientious about their oaths, they included all that they knew 
of which was owing to the stock, but they did not make 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 307 

such a diligent search concerning what the stock might owe 
them, so that many scattered debts fell upon them after- 
wards, which they had not charged in. 

However, this done, they drew up certain articles of 
agreement between Mr. Atwood, on Mr. Sherley's behalf, 
and themselves. 



Articles of Agreement made and concluded on October isth, 1641 : 

Whereas there was a partnership for a period of years agreed 
upon between James Sherley, Jolin Beauchamp, and Richard 
Andrews, of London, merchants, and Wilham Bradford, Edward 
, Winslow, Thomas Prince, Myles Standish, WilHam Brewster, John 
Alden, John Rowland, and Isaac Allerton, in a trade of beaver 
skins and other furs from New England; and the term of the said 
partnership having expired, various consignments of goods having 
been sent to New England by the said James Sherley, John Beau- 
champ, Richard Andrews, and many large returns made from New 
England by the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, etc. ; a 
dispute arising about the expense incurred for two ships, the one 
called the White Angel of Bristol, and the other the Friendship of 
Barnstable, and a projected voyage in her, etc.; which said ships 
and their voyages the said WilHam Bradford, etc., consider do not 
concern the accounts of the partnership; and whereas the accounts 
of the said partnership are found to be confused, and cannot be 
clearly present, through default of Josias Winslow the bookkeeper, 
and whereas the said W. B., etc., have received all their goods for 
the said trade from the aforesaid James Sherley, and have made 
most of their returns to him, by consent of the said John Beau- 
champ and Richard Andrews ; and whereas, also, the said James 
Sherley has given power and authority to Mr. John Atwood, with 
the advice and consent of William Collier of Duxbury, on his 
behalf, to put an absolute end to the said partnership, with all and 
every accounts, reckonings, dues, claims, demands, whatsoever, to 
the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, 
from the said W. B., etc., for and concerning the said beaver trade, 
and also the charge of the said two ships, and their voyages made or 
projected, whether just or unjust, from the world's beginning to this 
present, as also for the payment of a purchase of £1800 made by 
Isaac Allerton, on behalf of the said W. B., etc., and of the joint 
stock, shares, lands, and adventurers, whatsoever, in New England 



308 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

aforesaid, as appears bj' a deed bearing the date Nov. 6th, 1627; and 
also for and from such sum and sums of money or goods as are 
received by WiUiam Bradford, Thomas Prince, and Myles Stand- 
ish, for the recovery of dues, by accounts between tliem, the said 
James Slicrley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and Isaac 
Allerton, for the ship called the White Angel. Now the said John 
Atwood, with advice of the said William Collier, having had much 
communication and spent several days in discussion of the said 
disputes and accounts with the said W. B., etc. ; and the said W. B., 
etc., having also with the said book-keeper spent much time in 
collecting and listing the remainder of the stock of partnership for 
the said trade, and whatsoever has been received, or is due by the 
said attorneyship before expressed, and all manner of goods, debts, 
and dues, thereunto belonging, which in all amount to the sum of 
£1400 or thereabout; and for better satisfaction of the said James 
Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and 
all the rest of the abovesaid partners, together with Josias Winslow 
the bookkeeper, have taken a voluntary oath that the said sum of 
£1400 or thereabout, includes whatever they know, to the utmost of 
their remembrance. 

In consideration of which, and to the end that a full, absolute, and 
final end may now be made, and all suits in law may be avoided, and 
love and peace continued, it is therefore agreed and concluded 
between the said John Atwood, with the advice and consent of the 
said William Collier, on behalf of the said James Sherley, to and 
with the said W. B., etc., in manner and form following: viz., that 
the said John Atwood shall procure a suflicient release and dis- 
charge under the hands and seals of the said James Sherley, John 
Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fair and un- 
concealed to the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the last 
day of August, next ensuing the date hereof, whereby the said 
William Bradford, etc., their heirs, executors, and administrators 
and each of them shall be fully and absolutely acquitted and dis- 
charged of all actions, suits, reckonings, accounts, claims, and de- 
mands whatsoever, concerning the general stock of beaver trade, 
payment of the said £1800 for the purchase and all demands reckon- 
ings, accounts just or unjust, concerning the two ships, White Angel 
and Friendship aforesaid, together with whatsoever has been re- 
ceived by the said William Bradford, of the goods or estate of Isaac 
Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said ship White 
Angel by virtue of a letter of attorney to him, Thomas Prince, and 
Myles Standish, directed from the said James Sherley, John Beau- 
champ, and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as aforesaid. 

It is also agreed and concluded between the said parties to these 
presents, that the said W. B., E. W., etc., shall now be bound in 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 309 

;£2400 for payment of ;£i200 in full satisfaction of all demands as 
aforesaid; to be paid in manner and form following; that is to say, 
£400 within two months next after the receipt of the aforesaid 
releases and discharges, £iio whereof is already in the hands of 
John Winthrop, senior, of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Richard 
Andrews aforesaid, and 80 lbs. of beaver now deposited in the hands 
of the said John Atwood, to be both in part payment of the said 
£400 and the other £800 to be paid £200 per annum, to such assigns 
as shall be appointed, inhabiting either New Plymouth or Massa- 
chusetts, in such goods and commodities, and at such rates, as the 
country shall afford at the time of delivery and payment; and in 
the meantime the said bond of £2400 to be deposited in the hands of 
the said John Atwood. And it is agreed upon, by and between the 
said parties to these presents, that if the said John Atwood shall 
not or cannot procure such said releases and discharges as afore- 
said from the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard 
Andrews, at or before the last day of August next ensuing the date 
hereof, that then the said John Atwood shall, at the said date 
precisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered, unto the said W. B., 
E. W., etc., their said bond of £2400 and the said 80 lbs. of beaver, 
or the due value thereof, without any fraud or further delay; and 
for performance of all and each of the covenants and agreements 
herein contained and expressed, which on the one part and behalf 
of the said James Sherley are to be observed and performed, shall 
become bound in the sum of £2400 to them, the said William Brad- 
ford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Myles Standish, William 
Brewster, John Alden, and John Howland. And it is lastly agreed 
upon between the said parties, that these presents shall be left in 
trust, to be kept for both parties, in the hands of Mr. John Rayner, 
teacher of New Plymouth. In witness whereof, all the said parties 
have hereunto severally set their hands, the day and year first above 
written. 

JOHN ATWOOD, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD 
WINSLOW, etc. 

In the presence of Edmund Freeman, William Thomas, William 
Paddy, Nathaniel Souther. 

Next year this long and tedious business came to an issue, 
as will appear, though not to a final end with all the parties ; 
but so much for the present. 

I had forgotten to insert that the church here had in 
1638 invited and sent for ]\Ir. Charles Chauncey, a reverend. 



310 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

godly, and very learned man, who stayed till the latter part 
of 1645, — intending, after a trial, to choose him pastor, for 
the more convenient performance of the ministry, with Mr. 
John Rayner the teacher. But there occurred some differ- 
ences about baptism, he holding that it ought only to be done 
by dipping and putting the whole body under water, and that 
sprinkling was unlawful. The church conceded that immer- 
sion, or dipping, was lawful, but not so convenient in this 
cold country. But they could not allow that sprinkling, 
which nearly all the churches of Christ use to this day, was 
unlawful and merely a human invention. They were willing 
to yield to him as far as they could, and to allow him to 
practice according to his convictions, and granted that when 
he came to administer the ordinance, he might perform it in 
that way for any who so desired, provided he allowed Mr. 
Rayner, when requested, to baptize by sprinkling. But he 
said he could not yield to this. So the church procured some 
other ministers to discuss the point with him publicly, such 
as Mr. Ralph Partridge of Duxbury. But he was not satis- 
fied; so the church sent to several other churches to ask 
their help and advice in the matter, and with his will and 
consent sent them his arguments, — such as to the church of 
Boston in Massachusetts, to be communicated to other 
churches there; and to the churches of Connecticut and 
New Haven, and many others. They received very able 
answers from them and other learned ministers, who all 
concluded against him. Their answers are too long to give 
here. But Mr. Chauncey was not satisfied. They con- 
sidered that everything that was proper had been done, so 
Mr. Chauncey, who had been almost three years here, re- 
moved to Scituate, where he is still a minister of the church. 
About this time, cattle and other things having fallen 
greatly in value, people began to be less affluent. Many had 
already gone to Duxbury, Marshfield, and other places, and 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 811 

amongst them many of the leading men, such as Mr. 
Winslow, Captain Standish, Mr. Alden. Others dropped 
away daily, with the result that the place became far less 
flourishing. 



CHAPTER XXn 

Conclusion of Composition between London and New Ply- 
mouth partners: 1642. 

I now come to the conclusion of the long and tedious 
business between the partners here and those in England. 

James Shcrley in England to the partners of New Plymouth: 

Loving Friends, — Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prince, Captain 
Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Howland, 
Give me leave to include j'ou all in one letter concerning the final 
end and conclusion of this tiresome and tedious business, which I 
think I may truly say is vnicomfortable and unprofitable for all. . . . 
It has pleased God now to show us a way to cease all suits and 
disputes, and to conclude in peace and love as we began. I am 
content to make good what Mr. Atwood and you have agreed upon, 
and for that end have sent him an absolute and general release to 
you all, and if it lacks anything to make it complete, write it your- 
selves and it shall be done, provided that you all, either jointly or 
severally, seal a similar discharge to me. For that purpose I have 
drawn up a copy and sent it to Mr. Atwood with the one I have 
sealed for you. Mr. Andrews has sealed an acquittance also, and 
sent it to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he thought fit, and, 
as I hear, has transferred his debt, which he makes ^544, to the 
gentlemen of the Bay. Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hibbins have 
taken a great deal of pains with Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beauchamp, and 
myself, to bring us to agree, and we have had many meetings and 
spent much time upon it. Mr. Andrews wished you to have one 
third of the fi200, and the Bay two thirds; but to do that we three 
partners here must have agreed to it, which would be a difficult 
matter now. However, Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, Mr. Hibbins, and I 
have agreed, and they are giving you their bond to settle with Mr. 
Beauchamp and .jrocure his general release, and thus free you from 
all the trouble and expense that he might put you to. Now our 
agreement is, that you must pay to the gentlemen of the Bay £900, 
they to bear all expenses which may in any way arise concerning 

312 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 313 

the free and absolute clearing of you from us three ; and you to 
have the other £300. . . . 

Upon receiving my release from you I will send j'ou j-our bonds 
for the purchase money. I would have sent them now, but first I 
want Mr. Beauchamp to release you as well as I, because they bind 
you to him as well as to me, though I know that if a man is bound 
to twelve men, when one releases him it is the same as if all did 
so; so my discharge is to that extent sufficient. So do not doubt 
but you shall have them, and your power of attorney, and anything 
else that is fit. . . . 

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, 

JAMES SHERLEY. 
June 14th, 1642. 

Mr. A.ndrews' discharge was similar to Mr. Sherley's. 
He was by agreement to have £500 of the money, which he 
gave to those at the Bay, who brought his discharge and 
received the money, viz. ; one third of the £500 paid down, 
and the rest in four equal payments, to be paid yearly, for 
which they gave their bonds. £44 more was demanded, in 
addition ; but they believed they could arrange it with Mr. 
Andrews, so it was not included in the bond. 

But Mr. Beauchamp would give way in nothing, and de- 
manded ^400 of the partners here, sending a release to a 
friend to be delivered to them on receipt of the money. 
But his release was not perfect, having left out some of the 
partners' names, with some other defects; and besides, the 
other partners there gave them to understand he had not 
nearly so much due to him. So no end was made with him 
till four years after. 



CHAPTER XXm 

Death of Mr. William Brewster — His Career— Remarkable 
longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims — Con- 
federation of the United Colonies of New England — War be- 
tween the Narragansetts and Monliiggs — Uncas permitted by 
the English to execute Miantinomo: 1643. 

I must open this year with an event which brought great 
sadness and mourning to them all. About the i8th of April 
died their reverend elder, my dear and loving friend, Mr. 
William Brewster, a man who had done and suffered much 
for the Lord Jesus and the gospel's sake, and had borne his 
part in weal or woe with this poor persecuted church for 
over thirty-five years in England, Holland, and this wilder- 
ness, and had done the Lord and them faithful service in his 
calling. Notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows 
he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great age ; he 
was nearly fourscore years, if not quite, when he died. He 
had this blessing added by the Lord to all the rest ; he died 
in his bed in peace, in the midst of his friends, who mourned 
and wept over him, and gave him what help and comfort 
they could; and he, too, comforted them whilst he could. 
His illness was not long, and until the last day he did not 
keep his bed. His speech continued until about the last half 
day, and then failed him; and at about 9 or 10 o'clock that 
evening he died, without any pangs at all. A few hours 
before, he drew his breath short, and some few minutes 
from the end he drew it long, as a man fallen into a sound 
sleep, — without any gaspings, — ^and so, sweetly departed this 
life into a better. 

3U 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 31« 

I would ask, was he the worse for any of his former suf- 
ferings? What do I say? Worse? Nay; he was surely 
the better, for now they were added to his honour. "It 
is a manifest token," says the Apostle (II Thes. i, 5, 6, 7), 
"of the righteous judgment of God that ye may be counted 
worthy of the Kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer; 
seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense trib- 
ulation to them that trouble you: and to you who are 
troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed 
from Heaven, with His mighty angels." And I Pet. iv, 14: 
"If you be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye, 
for the spirit of glory and of God resteth upon you." What 
though he lacked the riches and pleasures of the world in 
this life, and pompous monuments at his funeral? Yet 
"the memorial of the just shall be blessed, when the name of 
the wicked shall rot," — with their marble monuments 
(Prov. X, 7). 

I should say something of his life, if to say a little were 
not worse than to be silent. But I cannot wholly forbear, 
though perhaps more may be written at some later time. 
After he had attained some learning, viz., the knowledge of 
the Latin tongue and some insight into Greek, and had spent 
some little time at Cambridge, — then being first seasoned 
with the seeds of grace and virtue, — he went to court, and 
served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison, for 
several years, when he was Secretary of State. His master 
found him so discreet and faithful, that he trusted him more 
than all the others who were round him, and employed him 
in all matters of greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed 
him rather as a son than a servant ; and knowing his wisdom 
and godliness he would converse with him in private more 
as a friend and familiar than as a master. He accompanied 
him when he was sent as ambassador by the Queen into the 
Low Countries, in the Earl of Leicester's time, — ^besides 



S16 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

other important affairs of state, to receive possession of the 
cautionary towns, in token of which the keys of Flushing 
were delivered to him in her majesty's name. Mr. Davison 
held them some time, handing them over to Mr. Brewster, 
who kept them under his pillow the first night. On his 
departure, the Netherlands honoured Mr, Davison wnth a 
gold chain ; he gave it into the keeping of Mr. Brewster, and 
when they arrived in England commanded him to wear it 
as they rode through the country, until they arrived at court. 
He remained with him through his troubles, when later, he 
was dismissed in connection with the death of the Queen of 
Scots, and for some good time after, doing him much faith- 
ful service. 

Afterwards ]\Ir. Brewster went and lived in the country, 
much respected by his friends and the gentlemen of the 
neighbourhood, especially the godly and religious. He did 
much good there, in promoting and furthering religion, not 
only by his practice and example and the encouragement of 
others, but by procuring good preachers for the places 
thereabouts, and persuading others to help and assist in such 
work, generally taking most of the expense on himself, — 
sometimes beyond his means. Thus he continued for many 
years, doing the best he could, and walking according to the 
light he saw, till the Lord revealed Himself further to him. 
In the end, the tyranny of the bishops against godly 
preachers and people, in silencing the former and perse- 
cuting the latter, caused him and many more to look further 
into things, and to realize the unlawfulness of their episco- 
pal callings, and to feel the burden of their many anti- 
christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured 
to throw off; in which they succeeded, as the beginning of 
this treatise shows. 

After they had joined themselves together in communion, 
?is was mentioned earlier, he was a special help and support 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 317 

to them. On the Lord's day they generally met at his house, 
which was a manor of the bishop's, and he entertained them 
with great kindness when they came, providing for them at 
heavy expense to himself. He was the leader of those who 
were captured at Boston in Lincolnshire, suffering the 
greatest loss, and was one of the seven who were kept 
longest in prison and afterwards bound over to the assizes. 
After he came to Holland he suffered much hardship, hav- 
ing spent most of his means, with a large family to support, 
and being from his breeding and previous mode of life not 
so fit for such laborious employment as others were. But 
he always bore his troubles with much cheerfulness and con- 
tent. Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent 
in Holland, his circumstances improved, and he lived well 
and plentifully ; for through his knowledge of Latin he was 
able to teach many foreign students English. By his method 
they acquired it quickly and with great fluency, for he drew 
up rules to learn it by, after the manner of teaching Latin; 
and many gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, came to him, 
some of them being sons of distinguished men. By the help 
of some friends he also had means to set up a printing press, 
and thus had employment enough, and owing to many books 
being forbidden to be printed in England, they might have 
had more work than they could do. But on moving to 
this country all these things were laid aside again, and a 
new way of living must be framed, in which he was in no 
way unwilling to take his part and bear his burden with the 
rest, living often for many months without corn or bread, 
with nothing but fish to eat, and often not even that. He 
drank nothing but water for many years, indeed until five 
or six years before his death ; and yet by the blessing of God 
he lived in health to a very old age. He laboured in the 
fields as long as he was able ; yet when the church had no 
oUier minister he taught twice every Sabbath, and that both 



318 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

powerfully and profitably, to the great edification and com- 
fort of his hearers, many being brought to God by his min- 
istry. He did more in this way in a single year, than many 
who have their hundreds a year do in all their lives. 

As for his personal qualities, he was favoured above 
many; he was wise and discreet and well-spoken, having a 
grave and deliberate utterance, with a very cheerful spirit. 
He was veiy sociable and pleasant among his friends, of an 
humble and modest mind and a peaceable disposition, under- 
valuing himself and his own abilities, and sometimes over- 
valuing others. He was innocent in his life and conversa- 
tion, which gained him the love of those without, as well as 
those within; nevertheless he would tell them plainly of 
their faults, both public and privately, but in such a way 
that it was usually well taken. He was tender hearted and 
compassionate with those in misery, especially when they 
were of good birth and rank and had fallen into want and 
poverty, either for religion's sake or through the oppression 
of others ; he would always say that of all men such de- 
served to be most pitied. None displeased him more than 
those who would haughtily and proudly exalt themselves, 
having risen from nothing, and having little else to com- 
mend them than a few fine clothes, or more means than 
others. When preaching, he deeply moved and stirred the 
affections, and he was very plain and direct in what he 
taught, being thereby the more profitable to his hearers. He 
had a singularly good gift of prayer, both public and private, 
in ripping up the heart and conscience before God, in the 
humble confession of sin, and begging the mercies of God 
in Christ for the pardon of it. He always thought it better 
for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than 
to be long and tedious — except on special occasions, such as 
days of humiliation and the like ; because he believed that 
^heart and spirit, especially in the weak, could with difficulty 



THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEMENT 319 

continue so long to stand bent, as it were, towards God,— - 
as is meet in prayer, — without flagging and failing. In the 
government of the church, which was proper to his office as 
elder, he was careful to preserve good order, and purity 
both in doctrine and communion, and to suppress any error 
or contention that might begin to arise ; and accordingly God 
gave success to his endeavours in this, all his days, and he 
was given to see the fruit of his labours. But I must break 
off, though I have only touched the heads of a few things. 
I cannot but take occasion here to wonder at the mar- 
vellous providence of God, that, notwithstanding the many 
changes these people went through, and the many enemies 
they had, and the difficulties they met with, so many of them 
should live to very old age. It was not only their reverend 
elder — for one swallow makes no summer, as they say — ^but 
many more of them, some dying about and before this time, 
and some still living, who reached sixty or sixty-five years 
of age, others seventy and over, and some nearly eighty, as 
he was. It must needs be accounted for by more than 
natural reasons, for it is found in experience that change of 
air, hunger, unwholesome food, much drinking of water, 
sorrows and troubles, etc., are all enemies to health, causing 
many diseases, loss of natural vigour and shortness of life. 
Yet all those unfavourable conditions were their lot. They 
went from England to Holland, where they found both 
worse air and diet than where they came from; thence, en- 
during a long imprisonment, as it were, aboard ship, they 
came to New England; and their way of living here has 
already been shown, and what crosses, troubles, fears, 
wants, and sorrows, they were liable to. In a sense they 
may say with the Apostle (II Cor. xi, 26, 2']^ that they 
were "in journeyings often, in perils of water, in perils of 
robbers, in perils by their own nation, in perils by the 
heathen^ in perils in the wilderness, in perils on the sea, in 



320 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

perils among false brethren; in weariness and painfulness, 
in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, 
in cold and nakedness." What was it then that upheld 
them? It was God's visitation that preserved their spirits — 
(Job X, 12) : "Thou hast granted me life and favour, and 
thy visitation hath preserved my spirits." He that upheld 
the Apostle upheld them: they were "persecuted, but not 
forsaken; cast down, but not destroyed; — (II Cor. iv, 9) — 
"as unknown, and yet well known ; as dying, and behold we 
live; as chastened, and not kiUed" (II Cor. vi, 9). God, it 
seems, would have all men behold and observe such mercies 
and works of His providence as towards His people, that 
they in like cases might be encouraged to depend upon God 
in their trials, and also bless His name when they see His 
goodness towards others, Man lives not by bread alone. 
It is not by good and dainty fare, by peace and rest and 
heart's ease, in enjoying the contentment and good things 
of this world only, that health is preserved and life pro- 
longed. God in such examples would have the world see 
and behold that He can do it without them; and if the world 
will shut its eyes and take no notice of it, yet He would have 
his people see and consider it. Daniel was better off with 
pulse, than others with the king's dainties. Jacob, though 
he went from his own nation to another people, and passed 
through famine, fear, and many afflictions, yet lived till 
old age, and died sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as number- 
less other of God's servants have done, and still shall do 
through God's goodness, notwithstanding all the malice of 
their enemies : "When the branch of the wicked shall be cut 
off before his day" — (Job xv, 32) — "and bloody and deceit- 
ful men shall not live out half their days." (Psa. Iv, 23.) 

Owing to the plotting of the Narragansetts, ever since the 
Pequot war, the Indians had formed a general conspiracy 



THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEMENT 321 

against the English in all parts, as was partly discovered 
the year before, and now confirmed by various discoveries 

and the free confessions of several Indians from different 
places. They therefore sought means to prevent the trouble 
and secure themselves, which ultimately resulted in the 
formation of closer union and confederation defmed by 
articles from which the following extracts are taken. 

Articles of Confederation between the Colonies tinder the Govern- 
ments of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, New 
Haven, and those in combination therewith. 

Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and 
the same end and aim, namely to advance the kingdom of Our Lord 
Jesus Christ and to enjoy the Hberties of the gospel in purity and 
peace ; and whereas in our setthng, by a wise providence of God, 
we find ourselves further dispersed along the sea-coasts and rivers 
than was at first intended, so that we cannot, as desired, con- 
veniently live under one government and jurisdiction; and whereas 
we live surrounded by people of several tribes and strange lan- 
guages, who may hereafter prove injurious to us and our posterity, 
... we therefore conceive it our bounden duty without delay to 
enter into an immediate consociation among ourselves for mutual 
help and strength in our future concerns, so that in national and 
religious affairs, as in other respects, we may be and continue one, 
according to the tenOr and true meaning of the ensuing articles. 

1. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and between the 
parties or jurisdictions above named, and they jointly and severally 
by these presents do conclude and agree, that they all be, and hence- 
forth be called by the name of, the United Colonies of New 
England. 

2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their posterity 
jointly and severally, hereby enter into a firm and perpetual league 
of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and 
succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propa- 
gating the truth of the Gospel, and for their own mutual safety and 
welfare. 

3. It is further agreed that the colonies which at present are, or 
hereafter shall be begun, within the limits of Massachusetts shall 
be forever under Massachusetts, and shall have separate jurisdiction 
among themselves in all cases as a complete body; and that New 
Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven shall each of them similarly 
have separate jurisdiction and government within their limits. . . 4 



sn BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

4. It is by these confederates agreed that the expense of all just 
wars, whether offensive or defensive, upon what party or member 
of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provisions, 
and all other disbursements be borne by all the parties of this con- 
federation, in different proportions, according to their diflferent 
abilities, . . . according to the different numbers which from time 
to time shall be found in each jurisdiction upon a true and just 
count, . . . and that according to the different expenses of each 
jurisdiction and colony, the whole advantage of the war — if it 
please God to bless their endeavours — whether in lands, goods, or 
persons, shall be proportionately divided amongst the said confed- 
erates. 

5. It is further agreed that if these jurisdictions, or any colony 
under or in combination with them, be invaded by any enemy what- 
soever, upon notice and request of any three magistrates of the 
jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the confederates without any 
further meeting or expostulation shall forthwith send aid to the 
confederate in danger, but in different proportions ; viz., Massachu- 
setts a hundred men sufficiently armed and provided, and each of the 
rest 45 so armed and provided, — or any lesser number if less be 
required, according to this proportion ; . . . but none of the juris- 
dictions to exceed these numbers till by a meeting of the com- 
missioners for this confederation further aid appear necessary; and 
this proportion to continue till upon knowledge of greater numbers 
in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought before the next meeting, 
some other proportion be ordered. . . . 

6. It is also agreed that for the management of all affairs con- 
cerning the whole confederation, two commissioners shall be chosen 
by and out of each of these four jurisdictions; namely, two for 
Massachusetts, two for New Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and 
two for New Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, who 
shall bring full power from their General Courts, respectively to 
hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace, 
leagues, aids, expenses, etc., . . . not intermeddling with the govern- 
ment of any of the jurisdictions, which by the third article is 
reserved entirely to themselves. But if these eight commissioners 
when they meet shall not all agree, any six of the eight agreeing 
shall have power to settle and determine the business in question. 
But if six do not agree, then such propositions, with their reasons, 
so far as they have been debated, shall be referred to the four 
General Courts, viz. ; Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, 
and New Haven ; and if at all the said General Courts the business 
so referred be concluded, then it shall be prosecuted by the con- 
federates and all their members. It is further agreed that these 
eight commissioners shall meet once every jear, besides special 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT S23 

meetings, to consider and conclude all affairs belonging to this con- 
federation, which meeting shall always be on the first Thursday in 
September; and that the next meeting after the date of these 
presents, which shall be accounted the second meeting, shall be at 
Boston in Massachusetts, the third at Hartford, the fourth at New 
Haven, the fifth at New Plymouth, and so on, successively, — if in 
the meantime some central place be not agreed upon as more con- 
venient for all the jurisdictions. 

7. It is further agreed that at each meeting of these eight com- 
missioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary, six of them agreeing 
may choose a president from among themselves, whose duty shall 
be to direct the proceedings of that particular meeting; but he 
shall be invested with no such power or respect as might hinder the 
propounding or progress of any business, or in any way turn the 
scales, otherwise than in the preceding article is agreed. 

8. It is also agreed that the commissioners for this confederation 
hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as 
they may have commission or opportunity, shall endeavour to frame 
agreements in cases of a civil nature, in which all the colonies are 
interested, for the preservation of peace among themselves, and 
preventing as much as possible all causes of war or dispute with 
others. . . . 

g. And since the justest wars may have dangerous consequences, 
especially for the smaller settlements in these United Colonies, it 
is agreed that neither Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, 
nor New Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any time 
hereafter begin, undertake, or engage themselves, or this confed- 
eration or any part thereof, in any way whatsoever (sudden exi- 
gencies excepted), without the consent and agreement of six of the 
forementioned eight commissioners. . . . 

10. That on special occasions, when meetings are summoned by 
three magistrates of any jurisdiction, if any of the commissioners 
do not come, due notice having been given or sent, it is agreed that 
four of the commissioners shall have power to direct a war which 
cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of 
each jurisdiction; but not less than six shall determine the justice 
of the war, or allow the demands or bills of expenses, or cause any 
levies to be made for it. 

11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates shall 
hereafter break any of these articles of agreement, or in any way 
injure any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreement 
or injury shall be duly considered by the commissioners for the 
other jurisdictions; that both peace and this present confederation 
may be entirely preserved without violation. 

12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation and its several articles, 



S24 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

being read and seriously considered both by the General Court of 
Massachusetts and by the commissioners for New Plymouth, Con- 
necticut, and New Haven, is fully allowed and confirmed by three 
of the afore-named confederates, viz., Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
and New Haven ; the commissioners for New Plymouth having no 
commission to conclude, request time to advise with their General 
Court. . . . 

At a meeting of the commissioners for the confederation held at 
Boston on the 7th of September, it appearing that the General Court 
of New Plymouth, and the several townships thereof, have read, 
considered, and approved these articles of confederation, as appears 
by commission from their General Court bearing date the 29th of 
August, 1643, to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Collier, to 
ratify and confirm the same on their behalfs; we therefore the com- 
missioners for Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, do 
also, for our several governments subscribe to them. 

JOHN WINTHROP, Gov. of Mass. GEORGE FENWICK 
THOMAS DUDLEY EDWARD HOPKINS 

THEOPH. EATON THOMAS GREGSON 



At their first meeting held at Boston on the above men- 
tioned date, amongst other things they had the following 
matter of great importance to consider. The Narragan- 
setts, after subduing the Pequots, thought they were going 
to rule over all the Indians round them; but the English, 
especially those of Connecticut, were friendly with Uncas, 
sachem of the Monhigg tribe, which lived near them, as 
the Narragansetts did near those of Massachusetts. Uncas 
had been faithful to them in the Pequot war, and they had 
agreed to support him in his just liberties, and were willing 
that such of the surviving Pequots as had submitted to him, 
should remain with him and live quietly under his protec- 
tion. This greatly increased his power and importance, and 
the Narragansetts could not endure to see it. So Mian- 
tinomo, their chief sachem, an ambitious man, tried secretly 
and by treachery according to the Indian way, to make away 
with him, hiring some one to kill him. They tried to poison 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 325 

him ; that not succeeding, they planned to knock him on the 
head in the night in his house, or to shoot him, — and such 
hke devices. But none of these plots taking effect, Mian- 
tinomo made open war upon Uncas, though it was contrary 
to his agreements with the English and the Monhiggs. He 
suddenly came upon him with 900 or 1000 men, without 
proclaiming war. Uncas at that time had not half so many ; 
but it pleased God to give him the victory, and he slew many 
of the Narragansetts, and wounded many more; but most 
important of all, he took Miantinomo prisoner. But as he 
was a great man, and the Narragansetts a powerful people 
who would be sure to seek revenge, he did nothing until he 
had taken the advice of the English; so by the help and 
direction of those of Connecticut, he kept him prisoner until 
this meeting of the confederation. The commissioners 
weighed the cause between Uncas and Miantinomo, and the 
evidence being duly considered, the commissioners saw that 
Uncas would not be safe while Miantinomo lived. So they 
concluded that he might justly put such a false and blood- 
thirsty enemy to death ; but in his own jurisdiction, not on 
English ground. They advised that in his execution all 
mercy and toleration should be shown, contrary to the prac- 
tise of the Indians who use tortures and all kinds of cruelty. 
Furthermore, as Uncas had hitherto shown himself a friend 
to the English, and had consulted them in this, if the Narra- 
gansett Indians, or others, unjustly attacked Uncas for this 
execution, the commissioners promised that the English 
would assist and protect him as far as they could against 
violence, upon notice and request. 

Uncas followed this advice, and accordingly executed 
Miantinomo, in a fair manner, with due respect for the hon- 
our of his position. But what followed on the Narragan- 
setts' part will appear later. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

Suggested removal of the Chiu-ch of New Plymouth to 
Nauset — The Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas 
and the Monhiggs — Truce arranged by the English: 1644. 

Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor this year. 

Many having left here, owing to the district being so 
limited and barren, and their finding better accommodation 
elsewhere, — and several others looking for opportunity to 
go, the church began seriously to consider whether it were 
not better to remove jointly to some other place, than to be 
thus weakened, and, as it were, insensibly dissolved. Much 
consultation took place, and opinions varied. Some were 
for staying together here, arguing that people could live here 
if only they were content, and that it was not so much for 
necessity that they removed, as for enriching themselves. 
Others were resolute upon removal, and signified that here 
they could not stay, and that if the church did not remove 
they must. This swayed many to agree to removal, rather 
than that there should be a total dissolution, if a place could 
be found suitable to accommodate the whole body more con- 
veniently and comfortably, and with room for development 
should others join them for their greater strength and better 
subsistence. With these provisos the majority consented to 
removal to a place called Nauset, which had been super- 
ficially viewed, and the good-will of the owners obtained. 
They began too late to see the error of their previous policy, 
for they found they had already given away the best and 
most convenient places to others, and now were in want of 

326 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 327 

such situations themselves; for Nauset was about 50 miles 
from here, on the outskirts of the country, and remote from 
all society. Furthermore, on closer examination, they found 
it would prove so limited, that it would not suffice to ac- 
commodate the whole body, much less be capable of any ex- 
pansion. So in a short time they would be worse off there 
than they were now. This made them change their resolu- 
tion; but such as were resolved upon removal took 
advantage of the agreement made, and went on notwith- 
standing; nor could the rest hinder them, since they had 
already made some beginning. Thus was this poor church 
left like an ancient mother, grown old, and forsaken of her 
children, — though not in their affections, yet as regards their 
bodily presence and personal helpfulness. Her ancient 
members being most of them worn away by death, and 
those of later times being, like children, transferred to other 
families, she, like a widow, was left only to trust in God. 
Thus she who had made many rich, herself became poor. 

Soon another broil was begun by the Narragansetts. 
Though they had unjustly made war upon Uncas, as before 
described, the winter before this they earnestly urged the 
Governor of Massachusetts to permit them to make war 
again in revenge for the death of their sagamore, claiming 
that Uncas had first received and accepted ransom for 
Miantinomo, and then put him to death. But the Governor 
refused the presents they brought, and told them it was they 
themselves who had done wrong and broken the conditions 
of peace; neither he nor any of the English would allow 
them to make any further war upon Uncas, and that if they 
did so the English must assist him and oppose them ; but if 
when the commissioners met, the matter having had a fair 
hearing, it could be proved that he had received this ransom, 
they would make Uncas return it. Notwithstanding this, at 
the spring of the year they gathered in great jjower, and fell 



S28 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

upon Uncas, killing many of his men and wounding more, 
besides receiving some loss themselves. Uncas then called 
for aid from the P2nglish. They told him what the Narra- 
gansetts objected; he denied it. They told him it must come 
to trial, and if he was innocent, should the Narragansetts 
refuse to desist, they would assist him. So at this meeting 
they sent both to Uncas and the Narragansetts, and required 
their sagamores to come, or send deputies to the commis- 
sioners, who had now met at Hartford, promising a fair and 
impartial hearing of all their grievances, and that all wrongs 
should be redressed. They also promised that they should 
come and return without any danger or molestation. Upon 
which the Narragansetts sent one sagamore and some other 
deputies, with full power to do what was thought right. 
Uncas came in person, accompanied by some of his chiefs. 
After discussion, the commissioners made the following 
declaration to the Narragansett deputies: 

1. That they did not find any proof of a ransom being agreed 
upon. 

2. It did not appear that any wampum had been paid as a ransom, 
or any part of a ransom for Miantinomo's life. 

3. That, had they in any way proved their charge against Uncas, 
the commissioners would have required him to make due satis- 
faction. 

4. That if hereafter they could produce satisfactory proof, the 
English would consider it, and proceed accordingly. 

5. The commissioners required that neither they nor their allies, 
the Nyanticks, should make war or injurious assault upon Uncas 
or any of his tribe, until they could show proof of the ransom being 
given, — unless he should first attack them. 

6. That if they attacked Uncas, the English had undertaken to 
assist him. 

Hereupon the Narragansett sachem, consulting with the 
other deputies, undertook on behalf of the Narragansetts 
and Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be committed upon 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 339 

Uncas or any of his tribe till after the next planting of corn ; 
and that thereafter, before they made war they would give 
30 days' notice to the Governor of Massachusetts or Con- 
necticut. The commissioners, approving of this offer, re- 
quired Uncas, as he expected the continuance of the favour 
of the English, to observe the same terms of peace with the 
Narragansetts and their people. 

The foregoing conclusions were then subscribed by the 
commissioners for the several jurisdictions, on the 19th of 
Sept., 1644: Edward Hopkins, President; Simon Brad- 
street, William Hathorne, Edward Winslow, John Brown, 
George Fenwick, Theoph, Eaton, Thomas Gregson. 

The Narragansett deputies further promised that if, con- 
trary to this agreement, any of the Nyantick Pequots made 
any attack upon Uncas or any of his people, they would 
deliver them to the English for punishment, and that they 
would not attempt to incite the Mohawks against Uncas 
during this truce. Their names were subscribed with their 
marks: Weetowish; Pampiamett; Chinnough; Pummunis. 



CHAPTER XXV 

The Narragansetts renew their attacks on Uncas and 
threaten the English — ^Preparation for War by the Colonies — 
Declaration of War by the English — ^Peace arranged and 
General Treaty signed by the United Colonies of New England 
and the Narragansetts and Nyanticks: 1645. 

This year the commissioners were summoned to meet at 
Boston before their ordinary time, partly in regard to some 
differences between the French and the Government of 
Massachusetts, about their aiding Governor La Tour against 
Monsieur d'Aulney ; and partly about the Indians, who had 
broken the agreements of peace concluded last year. This 
meeting was held at Boston on July 28tli. 

Besides some underhand attacks made on both sides, the 
Narragansetts gathered a great power and fell upon Uncas 
and killed many of his men and wounded many more, far 
exceeding him in number, and having got a large number 
of arms. They did this without the knowledge and consent 
of the English, contrary to the former agreement, and were 
determined to continue the war, notwithstanding anything 
the English said or did. So, encouraged by their recent 
victory, and by a promise of assistance from the Mohawks 
— a strong, warlike, and desperate tribe, — they had already 
devoured Uncas and his people in their hopes, and would 
surely have done so in fact if the English had not quickly 
gone to his aid. But the English of Connecticut sent him 40 
men, as a garrison for him, till the commissioners could 
meet and take further steps. 

330 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 331 

Having thus met, they forthwith sent three messengers, 
Sergeant John Davis, Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smith, 
with full and ample instructions both to the Narragansetts 
and Uncas, requiring them either to come in person or send 
qualified deputies ; and if they refused or delayed, to warn 
them that the English were determined to oppose these hos- 
tile invasions, and that they had sent their men to defend 
Uncas, and to know of the Narragansetts wdiether they 
would stand by the former peace. 

The messengers returned from the Narragansetts, not 
only with slights, but with a threatening answer. They also 
brought a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, assuring them 
that war would shortly break out, and the whole country 
would be aflame; and that the sachems of the Narragansetts 
had concluded a neutrality with the English of Providence 
and Aquidnett Island. Whereupon the commissioners, con- 
sidering the great danger and provocations offered, and the 
necessity we should be put to of making war on the 
Narragansetts, and being cautious to have the way clear 
in a matter of such wide public concern to all the colonies, 
thought fit to advise with such of the magistrates and elders 
of Massachusetts as were at hand, and also with some of 
the chief military commanders there; who being assembled, 
it was then agreed: 

1. That our engagement bound us to aid and defend Uncas. 

2. That this aid could not be confined to defence of him and his 
fort or habitation, but must be extended to the security of his 
liberty and property. 

3. That this aid must be Speedy, lest he should be swallowed up 
in the meantime. 

4. The justice of the war being clear to ourselves and the rest 
then present, it was thought meet that the case should be stated, and 
the reasons and grounds of the war declared and published. 

5. That a day of humiliation should be appointed, which was tlie 
fifth day of the week following. 



332 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

6. It was also agreed by the commissioners that the total number 
of men to be raised throughout the colonies should be 300 — Massa- 
chusetts 190, New Plymouth 40, Connecticut 40, New Haven 30; and 
that considering Uncas was in instant danger, 40 men should forth- 
with be sent from Massachusetts for his relief — for the 40 pre- 
viously sent from Connecticut, had orders to stay only one month, 
and their time having expired, they returned ; and the Narragansetts 
hearing of it, took the advantage and came suddenly upon him and 
gave him another blow, to his further loss, and were ready to do so 
again; but the 40 men from Massachusetts having arrived, they 
drew off. 

The declaration of war M^hich they published I shall not 
transcribe, as it is very long and is already in print. I will 
only note the insolent reception of it by the Narragansetts, 
and the answers to the three messengers sent from the 
commissioners to deliver it. They received them with scorn 
and contempt, and told them they resolved to have no peace 
without the head of Uncas ; that it mattered not who began 
the war, they were determined to continue it; that if the 
English did not withdraw their garrison from Uncas, they 
would procure the Mohawks against them. Ultimately they 
threatened that they would lay the English cattle in heaps 
as high as their houses, and that no Englishman should stir 
outside his door so much as to relieve himself, but he should 
be killed. When the messengers demanded guides to pass 
on through their country to deliver the message of the com- 
missioners to Uncas, they refused them, and in scorn offered 
them an old Pequot woman. Nay, the messengers person- 
ally were in danger ; for while the interpreter was speaking 
with them about the answer he should take back, some 
natives came and stood behind him with hatchets, according 
to their murderous manner; but one of his comrades gave 
him warning, and so all three broke off and came away. 
These and similar affronts so terrified the Indians they had 
with them, that they ran away, and left them to get home as 
best they could. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT S33 

So the confederation hastened the preparations, according 
to the agreement, and sent to New Plymouth to despatch 
their 40 men with all speed, to be stationed at Seekonk, lest 
it should be in danger before the rest were ready. They 
were all well armed with snaphance guns, under command 
of Captain Standish. Those from other places were also 
led by able commanders, such as Captain Mason for Con- 
necticut, etc. Major Gibbons was made General, with such 
commissions and instructions as were proper. 

Everything being ready, — some of the soldiers already 
started and the rest ready to march, — the commissioners 
thought it right before any hostile act was committed, to 
return a present which had previously been sent to the 
Governor of Massachusetts from the Narragansett sachems, 
and though not accepted by him, had been laid by to be 
accepted or refused according to their behaviour. So it 
was sent back by two messengers and an interpreter, who 
were further instructed to inform the Narragansetts that 
the men the English had already sent to Uncas and other 
parts, had express orders, so far, only to stand upon his or 
their defence, and not to attempt any invasion of the Narra- 
gansetts' country; and that even yet, if they made due 
reparation for what had past, and gave good security for the 
future, they should find that the English were as desirous of 
peace and as tender of Narragansett blood as ever. If 
therefore Pessecuss, Jenemo, with the other sachems, would 
without further delay come with them to Boston, the com- 
missioners promised and assured them free liberty to come 
and return without molestation. But deputies would not 
now serve, nor would the preparations on hand be stayed or 
the directions recalled till the aforementioned sagamores 
came, and further consultation had taken place. If, on the 
other hand, they would have nothing but war, the English 
were ready, and would proceed accordingly. 



334 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP 

Pessecuss, Mixano, and Weetowish, three principal 
sachems of the Narragansett Indians, and Awasequin, 
deputy for the Nyantics, with a large train of men, a few 
days after, came to Boston. 

To omit all other circumstances, and the discussion which 
took place between them and the commissioners, they came 
to the following conclusion. 

1. It is agreed between the commissioners of the United Colonies 
and the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, that the latter shall 
pay or cause to be paid at Boston, to the Massachusetts commis- 
sioners, the full sum of 2000 fathom of good white wampum, or a 
third part of black wampum, in four pajTnents; namel}^ 500 fathom 
within 20 days, 500 fathom within four months, 500 fathom at or 
before next corn planting time, and 500 fathom within two years 
from the date of these presents ; which 2000 fathom the commis- 
sioners accept as satisfaction for former expenses defrayed. 

2. The aforesaid sagamores and deputy, on behalf of the Narra- 
gansett and Nyantick Indians, hereby promise and covenant that 
upon demand and proof they will restore to Uncas, the Monhigg 
sagamore, all captives both men, women, and children ; all canoes, 
which they or any of their men have taken, or as many Narragansett 
canoes, in good condition, in place of them ; and will give full satis- 
faction for all such corn as they or any of their men have destroyed 
of his or his men's, since last planting-time ; and the English com- 
missioners hereby promise that Uncas shall do likewise. 

3. Whereas there are various disputes and grievances between the 
Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, and Uncas and his men, which 
in the absence of Uncas cannot now be determined, it is hereby 
agreed that the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, either come 
themselves, or send their deputies, to the meeting of the commis- 
sioners for the Colonies, either at New Haven in September, 1646, 
—or sooner, upon due notice, if the said commissioners meet 
sooner, — fully instructed to make due proof of their injuries, and 
to submit to the judgment of the commissioners in giving or re- 
ceiving satisfaction ; and the said commissioners, not doubting but 
Uncas will either come himself or send his deputies, promise to give 
full hearing to both parties impartially, according to their allegations 
and proofs. 

4. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies 
do hereby promise and covenant to maintain a firm and perpetual 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 335 

peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their suc- 
cessors, and with Uncas the Monhigg sachem and his men; with 
Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passa- 
conaway, and all other sagamores and their tribes who are in 
friendship with or subject to any of the English; hereby engaging 
themselves, that they will not at any time hereafter, disturb the 
peace of the country by any attacks, hostile attempts, invasions, or 
other injuries to any of the United Colonies or their successors, 
or to the aforesaid Indians, either in their persons, buildings, cattle, 
or goods, directly or indirectly; nor will they combine with any 
other enemy against them ; and if they know of any Indians or 
others who are conspiring or intend harm to the said English, or 
any Indians subject to or in friendship with them, they will with- 
out delay acquaint and give notice thereof to the English com- 
missioners, or some of them. Or if any questions or disputes shall 
at anj' time hereafter arise between them and Uncas, or any 
Indians mentioned above, they will, according to former engage- 
ments which they hereby confirm and ratify, first acquaint the 
English, and request their judgment and advice therein, and will 
not attempt or begin any war or hostile invasion, till they have 
liberty and permission from the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies so to do. 

5. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies 
do hereby promise that they will forthwith deliver and restore all 
such Indian fugitives or captives as have at any time fled from the 
English, and are now living among them, or give due satisfaction 
for them to the commissioners for Massachusetts; and further, 
that they will without delay pay or cause to be paid, a yearly 
tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston, 
to the English Colonies, for all such Pequots as live among them, 
according to the former treaty and agreement made at Hartford, 
1638, namely one fathom of white wampum for every Pequot man, 
and half a fathom for each Pequot youth, and one hand length 
for each male child; and if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this 
tribute for any Pequots with him, the Narragansett sagamores 
promise to assist the English against him. And they further 
undertake that they will resign and jaeld up the whole Pequot 
country, and every part of it, to the English Colonies, as due to them 
by conquest. 

6. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy do 
hereby promise and covenant that within 14 days, they will bring and 
deliver to the Massachusetts commissioners on behalf of the Colonies, 
four of their children, viz., the eldest son of Pessecuss, the son 
of Tassaquanawite, the brother of Pessecuss, the son of Awashawe, 
and the son of Ewangso, a Nyantick, to be kept as hostages 



336 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

or pledges by the English, till the aforementioned 2000 fathom of 
wampum has been paid at the times appointed, and the dififerences 
between themselves and Uncas have been heard and settled, and 
until these articles have been underwritten at Boston by Jenemo 
and Wipetock. And further, they hereby promise and covenant, 
that if at any time hereafter any of the said children shall escape 
or be taken away from the English, before the promises be fully 
accomplished, they will either bring back and dehver to the Massa- 
chusetts commissioners the same children, or if they cannot be 
found, such and so many other children as shall be chosen by the 
commissioners for the United Colonies, or their assigns, within 
twenty days after demand; and in the meantime, until the said 
four children be delivered as hostages, the Narragansett and 
Nyantick sagamores and deputy do freely and of their own accord 
leave with the Massachusetts commissioners, as pledges for present 
security, four Indians, viz., Weetowish, Pummunish, Jawashoe, 
Waughwamino, who also freely consent and offer themselves to 
stay as pledges, till the aforesaid children are delivered. 

7. The commissioners for the United Colonies do hereby promise 
and agree that the four Indians now left as pledges shall be pro- 
vided for at the expense of the United Colonies, and that the four 
children to be delivered as hostages shall be kept and maintained 
at the same expense ; that they will require Uncas and his men, 
with all other Indian sagamores before named, to forbear all acts 
of hostility against the Narragansett and Nj'antick Indians for the 
future, and further, all the promises being duly observed and kept 
by the Narragansetts and Nyanticks and their tribes, they will at 
the end of the two years restore the said children delivered as 
hostages, and maintain a firm peace with the Narragansett and 
N3antick Indians and their successors. 

8. It is fully agreed by and between the said parties, that if any 
hostile attempts be made while this treaty is in hand, or before 
notice of this agreement can be given, such attempts and the con- 
sequences thereof shall on neither part be counted a violation of 
this treaty, nor a breach of the peace here made and concluded. 

9. The Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy hereby 
agree and covenant to and with the commissioners of the United 
Colonies, that henceforth they will neither give, grant, sell, nor in 
any way alienate, any part of their country, nor any parcel of 
land therein, to any of the English or others, without consent and 
permission of the commissioners. 

10. Lastly they promise that if any Pequot or other Indians be 
found among them who have in time of peace murdered any of 
the English, they shall be delivered to just punishment. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 337 

In witness whereof the parties above named have interchangeably 
subscribed these presents, the day and year above written. 

JOHN WINTHROP, President PESSECUSS his mark 

HERBERT PELHAM AIEEKESANO his mark 

THOMAS PRINCE WEETOWISH his mark 

JOHN BROWN AWASEQUIN his mark 

GEORGE FENWICK ABDAS his mark 

EDWARD HOPKINS PUMMUNISH his mark 

THEOPH. EATON CUTSHAMAKIN his mark 
STEPHEN GOODYEAR 

In drawing up this treaty and agreement between the 
commissioners of the United Colonies and the sagamores 
and deputy of the Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, 
Benedict Arnold was interpreter, upon his oath ; Sergeant 
Callicote, and his man, an Indian, were present; and Josias 
and Cutshamakin, two Indians acquainted with the English 
language, assisted, — making the whole treaty and every 
article clear to the sagamores and deputy present. Thus 
was the war pending at this time prevented. 



CHAPTER XXVl 

Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts — ^His 
death — Edward Winslow's long stay in England: 1646. 

About the middle of May this year, three men of war 
entered the harbour. The Captain's name was Thomas 
Cromwell, and he had captured several prizes from the 
Spaniards in the West Indies. He had a commission from 
the Earl of Warwick. Aboard his vessel were about 80 
strong young fellows, but very unruly, who, when they came 
ashore, so distempered themselves with drink that they be- 
came like madmen ; and though some of them were pun- 
ished and imprisoned, they could hardly be restrained ; 
but in the end they became more moderate and orderly. 
They remained here about a month or six weeks, then going 
on to Massachusetts ; in the meantime scattering a great 
deal of money among the people, — and even more sin than 
money, I fear, notwithstanding all the care taken to pre- 
vent it. 

While they were here a sad accident occurred. One 
desperate fellow amongst them started wrangling with some 
of his comrades. Captain Cromwell commanded him to 
be quiet and cease his quarreling; but he would not, and 
reviled him with bad language, and in the end half drew 
his rapier intending to run at him ; but the captain closed 
with him and snatched the rapier from him and gave him 
a box on the ear; even then he would not give over, but 
continued to assault him. Whereupon the Captain gave 
him a blow with the hilt of the rapier, just as it was in 
the scabbard. It chanced to hit his head, and the small 

338 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT S39 

end of the bar of the rapier-hilt piercing his skull, he died 
a few days after. But the captain was exonerated by court 
martial, for it appeared that the fellow was so quarrelsome 
that he had several times been chained under hatches to 
prevent him from hurting his comrades, to which they 
testified. 

This Captain Cromwell made another voyage to the 
West Indies from the Bay of Massachusetts, well manned 
and provisioned. He was out three years and took many 
prizes, and returned rich to Massachusetts. The same 
summer he had a fall from his horse ; he fell on his rapier 
hilt, and bruised himself so badly that he died shortly 
after. It was remarked by some that this might show the 
hand of God, and that as one of his men had died of the 
blow he gave him with the rapier hilt, so his own death 
was caused by similar means. 

This year Mr. Edward Winslow went to England. Some 
discontented persons in Massachusetts had endeavoured 
to disturb the peace, and to vmdermine if not upset their 
government, by uttering many slanders about them, and 
even intended to prosecute them in England by petitioning 
and complaining to Parliament. Samuel Gorton and his 
people also made complaints against them. So they chose 
Mr. Winslow, as their agent, to defend them, and gave him 
commission and instructions to that end. He managed 
things so well for them that he cleared them of all blame 
and dishonour, and disgraced their opponents. But owing 
to the great upheavals in the government there, he was de- 
tained longer than was expected, and later he met with 
other employments there, so that he has now been absent 
for four years, which has been much to the loss of this 
government. 



The names of those who came over first in the Mayflower, in 
the year 1620 and were by the blessing of God the first 
beginners and foimders of the Settlements and Colonies 
of New England, with their families: Avritten down A. D. 
1650. 

JOHN CARVER; Katherine, his wife; DESIRE MINTER; two 
men-servants, JOHN HOWLAND and ROGER WILDER; a 
boy, WILLIAM LATHAAI ; a maid-servant; a child who was 
put under his charge, called JASPER MORE. 

Mr. and Mrs. Carver, Wilder, and Jasper More all died here 
during the first general sickness. Desire Minter returned to 
England; Latham stayed twenty years and then returned; the 
maid-servant married here, and died a year or two after. 
Howland married Elizabeth Tillie. Both are living. They had 
ten children. 

WILLIAM BREWSTER; Mary, his wife; two sons, Love and 
Wrestling; a boy in his charge called Richard More, and 
another of his brothers. 

The rest of his children were left behind, and came over 
afterwards. Mr. Brewster lived here 23 or 24 years, being 
about 80 when he died. His wife died some time before. 
Wrestling died unmarried. Love had four children, and died 
in 1650. The eldest son, who came after, had nine children, 
and is still living; and the daughters, who came with him, 
married, and are dead. The brother of Richard More died 
the first winter. Richard married and has four or five children. 

EDWARD WINSLOW; Elizabeth, his wife; two men-servants, 
GEORGE SOWLE and ELIAS STORY; a little girl in his 
charge, ELLEN, sister of Richard More. 

Mr. Winslow's wife died the first winter. He married later 
the widow of Mr. White, and has two children living. Story 
and Ellen More died soon after the ship's arrival. George 
Sowle is living and has eight children. 

WILLIAM BRADFORD; Dorothy, his wife. 

Their only child, a son, was left behind, and came over 
after. Mrs. Bradford died soon after their arrival. Mr. 
Bradford married again, and had four children. 

340 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 341 

ISAAC ALLERTON ; Mary, his wife ; three children, Bartholomew, 
Remember, and Mary; a servant boy, JOHN HOOK. 

Mrs. Allerton, and the boy, Hook, died in the first general 
sickness. Bartholomew married in England. His daughter. 
Remember, married at Salem and has three or four children 
living. Mary married here and has four children. Mr. Aller- 
ton married, secondly, a daughter of William Brewster, and 
had one son; he married a third time, and left this place 
long ago. 

SAMUEL FULLER; a servant, WILLIAM BUTTON. 

His wife and a child were left behind, and came over after- 
wards. Two more children were born here, and are living. 
Button died at sea. Mr. Fuller died 15 years ago. 

JOHN CRACKSTON, his son, John. 

John Crackston died in the first sickness. His son died 5 
or 6 years after; he lost himself in tlie woods in winter, and 
his feet were frozen, which brought on fever. 

MYLES STANDISH; Rose his wife. 

Mrs. Standish died in the first sickness. Captain Standish 
married again, and has four sons living. 

CHRISTOPHER MARTIN; his wife, two servants, SOLOMON 
PROWER and JOHN LANGMORE. 
All these died in the first sickness, soon after their arrival. 

WILLIAM MULLINS; his wife; two children, Joseph and 
Priscilla; a servant, ROBERT CARTER. 

All but Priscilla died in the first sickness. She married 
John Alden; both are living. They have eleven children. 

WILLIAM WHITE ; Susanna, his wife ; one son, Resolved ; and 
one born aboard ship called Peregrine ; two servants, WIL- 
LIAM HOLBECK and EDWARD THOMSON. 

Mr. White and his two servants died soon after their landing. 
His widow married Mr. Winslow. His two sons are living. 

STEPHEN HOPKINS; Elizabeth, his wife; two children by a 
former wife, Giles and Constanta; and two by this wife, 
Damaris and Oceanus — the latter born on the voyage; two 
servants, EDWARD DOTY and EDWARD LISTER. 



342 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF 

Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins lived here over twenty years, and had 
one son and four daughters born here. Doty is living, and 
has seven children by a second wife. Lister went to Virginia 
and died there. 



RICHARD WARREN. 

His wife and four daughters were left behind and came 
afterwards, and two more were born here. Mr. Warren lived 
some four or five years here. 

JOHN BILLINGTON; Ellen, his wife; two sons, John and 
Francis. Billington was executed after he had been here ten 
years. His eldest son died before him; his second is married. 

EDWARD TILLIE; Anne, his wife; two children (their cousins), 
HENRY SAMSON and HUMILITY COOPER. 

Mr. and Mrs. Edward Tillie died soon after their arrival. 
Humility Cooper returned to England and died there. Henry 
Samson is living and has seven children. 



JOHN TILLIE; his wife; their daughter, Elizabeth. 

Mr. and Mrs. John Tillie died soon after their arrival. 
Elizabeth married John Howland (see above). 

FRANCIS COOK; his son, John. 

Mrs. Cook and other children came over afterwards. Three 
more children were born here. His son, John, is married. 
Mr. Cook is a very old man, and has seen his children's 
children have children. 



THOMAS ROGERS; Joseph, his son. 

Air. Rogers died in the first sickness. His son, Joseph, is 
living and has six children. The rest of his children came 
over afterwards, and are married, and have many children. 

THOMAS TINKER; his wife; their son. 
All died in the first sickness. 

JOHN RIGDALE; Alice, his wife. 
Both died in the first sickness. 



THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 343 

JAMES CHILTON; his wife; their daughter, Mary. 

Another daughter, who was married, came after. Mr. and 
Mrs. Chilton died in the first sickness. Mary Chilton married, 
and has nine children. 



EDWARD FULLER; his wife; their son, Samuel. 

Mr. and Mrs. Fuller died soon after they came ashore. 
Samuel Fuller is living, and has four children, or more. 



JOHN TURNER; two sons. , 

All died in the first sickness. His daughter came some years 
after to Salem, and is married. 

FRANCIS EATON; Sarah, his wife; their baby, Samuel. 

Mrs. Eaton died in the general sickness. Mr. Eaton mar- 
ried a second and third time, having three children by his 
third wife. Samuel is married and has a child. 



MOSES FLETCHER; JOHN GOODMAN; THOMAS WIL- 
LIAMS; DIGERIE PRIEST; EDMUND MARGESON; 
RICHARD BRITTERIDGE; RICHARD CLARK; RICH- 
ARD GARDNER; PETER BROWN; GILBERT WINSLOW. 
The first seven died in the general sickness. Digerie Priest's 
wife and children came afterwards, she being Mrs. Allerton's 
sister. Gardner became a sailor, and died in England, or at 
sea. Peter Brown married twice, leaving four children; he 
died about sixteen years since. Gilbert Winslow, after several 
years here returned to England and died there. 

JOHN ALDEN. 

Mr. Alden was hired at Southampton as a cooper. Being a 
likely young man, he was desirable as a settler; but it was left 
to his own choice to stay here or return to England; he stayed, 
and married Priscilla Mullins (see above). 

JOHN ALLERTON; THOMAS ENGLISH; WILLIAM 
TREVOR; and one, ELY. The first two were hired as sailors, 
the one to stay here with the shallop, the other to go back 
and help over those left behind ; but both died here before 
the Mayflower returned. The last two were hired to stay here 
a year; both returned when their time was out. 



544 BRADFORD'S HISTORY 

Of these 100 or so of persons who came over first, more than 
half died in the first general sickness. Of those that remained, 
some were too old to have children. Nevertheless in those thirty 
years there have sprung up from that stock over i6o persons now 
living in this year 1650; and of the old stock itself nearly thirty 
persons still survive. Let the Lord have the praise, Who is the 
High Preserver of men. 



INDEX 



Abdas, 337. 

Accord Pond, 301. 

Adventurers, preliminaries with, 
35 et seq.; Dissolve partner- 
ship, 162, 174. {See also 
Weston, Sherley, Beau- 
champ, Andrews, Allerton, 
etc.) 

Albany, see Fort Orange. 

Alden, John, arrest of, 255; 
Mentioned, 307, 311, 312; 
Family, 343. 

Alden, Robert, 176. 

Allerton, Isf'ac, letter to Carver 
and Cushman, 41; Assistant 
to Governor, 85; In England, 
172, 182, 188, 201, 204, 211, 
217; Discharged, 224, 227; 
Accounts confused, 231 et 
seq. ; White Angel let out to, 
234; Sold to, 241; In debt to 
partners, 242 et seq., 253, 266, 
295, 306; Family, 341. 

Allerton, John, 343. 

AUtham, Emanuel, 176. 

Amsterdam, 14, 44, 45, 47. 

Andrews, Captain, 277. 

Andrews, Richard, 175, 189, 208, 
227, 232, 266, 277, 302; 
Beaver sent to, 295 ; Land at 
Scituate, 298; Settlement 
with, 307. 

Andrews, Thomas, 176. 

Anne, The, 119, 121, 151. 

Anthony, Lawrence, 176. 

Aquidnett Island, 294, 331. 

ArgoU, Captain, 31, 32. 

Arminians, 17, 18. 



Arnold, Benedict, 331, 337. 

Ashley, Edward, 208, et seq.; 
Sends beaver home, 216, 221 ; 
Arrested, 222; His death, 
223; Mentioned, 227, 231, 

234- 
Atwood, John, Sherley's agent, 

305 et seq.; 312. 
Awasequin, 334, 337. 
Awashawe, 335. 

Babb, Captain, 277. 

Baker, Captain, 143. 

Baptism, 310. 

Barnstable, 302. 

Bass, Edward, 175. 

Beauchamp, John, one of original 
adventurers, 98, 100, 175, 176; 
in new partnership, 189; Co- 
agent for New Plymouth 
partners, 1 89 ; Penobscot Pat- 
ent in his name, 208; Quar- 
rels with Sherley, 277; Beaver 
sent to, 295; Settlement 
with, 306 et seq. 

Bellingham, Richard, 267, 269, 
270. 

Billirike (Billerica), settlers from, 
46. 

BilUngton, John, loses himself, 
86; Executed, 224; Family, 

342. 
Blackwell, Sir Francis, 31 et seq. 
Block Island, 281, 284. 
Blossom, Thomas, 252. 
Boston, in Lincolshire, 9. 
Boston, Mass., Joint Council of 

Colonies at, 258; Commission 



345 



346 



INDEX 



of United Colonies at, 322. 
(See also Endicott, Winthrop, 
etc.). 

Bound Brook, 301. 

Bradford, William, letter to Car- 
ver and Cushman, 41, 42; 
Illness, 77; First chosen Gov- 
ernor, 85; Patent at Kenne- 
bec in his name, 253; Sur- 
renders New Plymouth Pat- 
ent, 302; Family, 340. 

Bradstrcet, vSimon, 269, 329. 

Brewer, Thomas, 40, 176. 

Brewster, Jonathan, 272. 

Brewster, William, Elder of the 
Church, 8; Goes to Holland, 
14; Correspondence with 
Sandys and Worstenholme, 
27etseq.; To po to America, 
35; Services to the sick, 77; 
Letters from Adventurers, 
102 et seq.; Mentioned, 108; 
145, 189, 307; From Robin- 
son, 140; Death of, 314; Ca- 
reer, 315 et seq.; Family, 340. 

Bristol, England, 218, 227, 230, 

234- 
Britteridge, Richard, 343. 
Brook, Lord, 255. 
Brown, John, 329, 334. 
Brown, Peter, 343. 
Browning, Henry, 176. 
Button, William, dies, 63, 341. 

Callicote, Sergeant, 337. 

Calvin, John, 4. 

Canterbury, Archbishop of, see 
Laud, Archbishop. 

Capawack, Isle of, 82, 88, 104. 

Cape Ann, patent for, 136, 142; 
Salt-pans at, 144; Dispute 
over dock at, 162. 

Cape Cod, arrival at, 64, 67, 92; 
Exploring the Bay of, 69; 
Ships wreckedat, 82, 159, 178. 

Carter, Robert, 341. 

Carver, John, agent to England, 
26, 27; Letter from Robinson, 
39; From Leyden, 41; From 
Cushman, 46; From Robin- 
son, 53; From Weston, 90, 



98, 99; First Governor, 76; 

Dies, 85; Family, 340. . 
Cattle, first at New Plymouth, 

135; Prices of, 296, 310. 
Charity, The, 135. 
Charles I's Colonial Commission, 

239. 263. 
Charles River, 299. 
Charlestown, 299. 
Charlton, 81. 

Chatham, see Manamoick. 
Chauncey, Charles, invited to New 

Plymouth, 309. 
Chilton, James, and family, 343. 
Chinnough, 329. 
Christmas at New Plymouth, 74, 

94. 95- 

Clark, Mr., pilot, 45. 

Clark, Richard, 343. 

Clifton, Rev. Richard, 8. 

Cobiseconte, 254. 

Coddington, Wm., 225, 269. 

Cohasset, 300, 301. 

CoUier, WilUam, 176, 231, 246; 
Sherley's agent, 305 et seq. 

Colonies of New England, Con- 
federation of, 321. 

Commissioners for the Colonies, 
239; Winslow's petition to, 
263. 

Confederation of New England 
Colonies, 321. 

Connecticut River and Territory, 

240, 260 et seq., 271, 279, 
2S3 et seq., 329. 

Cook, Francis, and family, 342. 
Cooke, Mr. Secretary, 239. 
Cooper, Ilumility, 342. 
Coppin, Robert, 72. 
Corbitant, 87 et seq. 
Cottington, Lord, 239. 
Cotton, John, 225. 
Coventry, Thomas, 1 76. 
Crabe, Rev. Mr., 47. 
Crackston, John, and family, 341. 
Cromwell, Capt. Thomas, 338, 

339- 

Crose, Daniel, 293. 

Cushman, Robert, agent to Eng- 
land, 26, 27, 36; Letters to 
Leyden, 31, 42 et seq. ; Letter 



INDEX 



347 



from Leyden, 41; To John 
Carver, 46; To South worth, 
59; Comes in the Fortune, 
89; Letters from, 104, 122, 
136; Mentioned, 39, 50-52, 
98; His death, 170. 
Cutshamakin, 335, 337. 

Damariscove Islands, 97, 133, 156, 
172. 

Dartmouth, England, 57, 59. 

d'Aulney, Monsieur, takes Penob- 
scot, 267, 330. 

Davenport, Lieutenant, 289. 

Davison, William, Secretary of 
State, 315 et seq. 

Davis, Sergeant John, 331. 

De Rasieres, Isaac, 184, 192. 

Delfthaven, 49. 

Dennison, William, 233. 

Dermer, Captain, 80 et seq. 

Dorchester, 271. 

Dorset, Earl of, 239. 

Doty, Edward, 341. 

Dudley, Thomas, 225, 232, 256, 
et seq., 259, 269, 324. 

Dumer, Richard, 269. 

Dutch Colony, The, 139, 183 et 
seq., 196, 249, 261, 275 et seq. 
(See also Holland.) 

Dutch Captain at Hull, 10. 

Duxbury, 243, 310. 

Earthquake, 296. 

Eastham, see Nauset. 

Eaton, Francis, and family, 343. 

Eaton, Theoph., 324, 329, 337. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 4. 

Ely, sailor on Mayflower, 343. 

Endicott, John, arrival, 195 et 
seq.; Letters to Governor 
Bradford, 213-4, 300, 301. 

English, Thomas, sailor on May- 
flower, 343. 

Episcopius, 18. 

Ewangso, an Indian, 335. 

Falcon, The, 276. 
Falkland, Viscount, 239. 
Farrer, Sir George, 42. 
FeUs, Mr., 181. 



Fenwick, George, 324, 329, 337. 

Fitcher, Lieutenant, 194. 

Fletcher, Moses, 343. 

Fletcher, Thomas, 176. 

Florida, 24. 

Fort Orange (Albany), 192. 

Fortune, The, 91, 98. 

Freeman, Edmund, 306, 309. 

Friendship, The, 217, 223 et seq., 
278, 308. 

Fuller, Edward, and family, 343. 

Fuller, Samuel, (son of Edward) 
343. 

Fuller, Dr. Samuel, letter to 
Carv^er and Cushman, 41; 
Letters from Cushman, 42 
et seq.; Mentioned, 63, 154, 
213; His death, 252; Fam- 
ily. 341- 

Galop, John, 290. 

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 236 
et seq. 

Gardner, Richard, 343. 

Gibbons, Major, 333. 

Gibbs, Mr., mate of Sparrow, 188. 

Girling, Captain, 267. 

Glover, Rev. Mr., 273. 

Goffe, Thomas, 176, 188. 

Goodman, John, 343. 

Goodyear, Stephen, 337. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 80, 127, 
204, 239, 264. 

Gorges, Captain Robert, Governor 
General, 126; Arrests Wes- 
ton, 127 et seq.; Returns to 
England, 131. 

Gorton, Samuel, 339. 

Gosnold, Captain, 64. 

Gott, Charles, 214, 215. 

Graves, Captain, 277. 

Greene, William, loi, 102. 

Green's Harbour, 243. 

Gregson, Thomas, 324, 329. 

Greville, Sir Fulke, 30. 

Griffin, Captain, 277. 

Grimsby, 10. 

Gudbum. Peter, 176. 

Guiana, 24, 37. 

Hall, Mr., 276. _ 
Hanson, Captain, 130, 



348 



INDEX 



Hartford, 323. 

Hatherley, Timothy, 176, 202, 
208; At New Plymouth, 217 
et seq.; Mentioned, 227, 229 
et seq.; Settles in New Eng- 
land, 242, 298. 

Hathorne, Wm., 329. 

Haynes, John, Governor of Mass., 
269. 

Heath, Thomas, 176. 

Henry, Prince of Orange, 169. 

Hibbins, William, 312. 

Higginson, Francis, 214, 215. 

Hingham, 299 et seq. 

Hobbamok, 87 et seq., 96 et seq. 

Hobson, William, 175. 

Hocking, killed at Kennebec, 254 
et seq. 

Holbeck, William, 341. 

Holland, Removal to, 9; Settling 
in, 14 et seq.; Brewster with 
Davison in, 316. (See also 
Amsterdam and Leyden.) 

Holland, Robert, Letter from 
(R. H.), 163-165, 175. 

Hook, John, 341. 

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 161. 

Hopkins, Edward, 324, 329, 337. 

Hopkins, Stephen, 86; Family, 
341. 

Houghe, Atherton, 269. 

Howland, John, falls overboard, 
63; Partner, 307; Family, 
340. 

Huddleston, Captain John, 106, 
107. 

Hudson, Thomas, 176. 

Hudson Bay, 139. 

Hudson River, 64. 

Hull, 10. 

Humphrey, John, 269. 
Hunt, Captain Thomas, 80. 
Hurricane in New England, 270, 
271. 

Indians, their cruelty, 22; First 
seen, 67; First attack, 70 et 
seq.; Mentioned, 79, 96, iii. 
{Seealso'M.oha.-w'k.s, Monhiggs, 
Narragansetts, Neepnetts, 
Nyanticks, Pequots, etc.) 



Irish colonists, 181. 
Isle of Shoals, 198. 

Jackson, Thomas, 293. 

James, Cape, 64. 

James, Mr., a doctor, 294. 

James I., 7, 170, 240. 

James, The, 137. 

Jawashoe, 336. 

Jefifrey, Sergeant, 289. 

Jenemo, 333, 336. 

Johnson, Rev. Francis, ^2. 

Johnson, Mr., of Massachusetts, 

224, 225. 
Johnstone, Alderman, 31. 
Jones, Captain, 108. 
Josias, 337. 

Kean, Robert, 175, 

Kennebec, First trade up the 
river, 167; Patent for, 182, 
200, 204, 233, 253; Trading- 
house built at, 191; Hather- 
ley visits, 221; Hocking 
killed at, 254 et seq.; Massa- 
chusetts people trading at, 
284; Trading partnership re- 
arranged, 296. 

King, WilHam, 60. 

Knight, EHza, 176. 

Knight, John, 176. 

Knowles, Myles, 176. 

Langmore, John, 341. 

Langrume, Captain, 276, 277. 

Latham, William, 340. 

LaTour, Governor, 330, 

Laud, Archbishop, 264, 265. 

Lee, Lord, 291. 

Levett, Christopher, 126. 

Leyden, removal to, 9; Life at, 
14 et seq.; Departure from, 
49 et seq.; Opposition to 
coming of rest of congrega- 
tion, loi, 104, 135, 152, 169; 
Plans for their coming, 185, 
199; Sent over to New Ply- 
mouth, 201 et seq., 212. 

Lincoln, Countess of, 33. 

Lincolnshire, 7, 9. 

Ling, John, 176. 

Lister, Edward, 341, 342. 



INDEX 



349 



London, Bishop of, 239. 

London, the plague in, 167, 276. 

London Bridge on fire, 246. 

Long Island Indians, 290. 

Low Countries {see Holland). 

Ludlow, Mr., 289. 

Lyfo^-d, John, arrival at New 
Plymouth, his plottings, sen- 
tence, and his end, 144 et seq. 

Lyon, The, 244. 

Maggner, Captain, 31. 

Malabar, Cape, 64. 

Manamoick (Chatham), 8r, 109, 
179. 

Manoanscussett, 192. 

Manoraet (Sandwich), 87; Pin- 
nace built at, 182; Men- 
tioned, 192, 271. 

Margeson, Edmund, 343. 

Marriage, the first, 85; By mag- 
istrates, 265. 

Marshfield, 310. 

Martin, Christopher, 46 et seq. 

59, 341- 

Martyr, Peter, 117. 

Mary, Queen of England, 4, 236. 

Mary, Queen of Scots, 316. 

Mary and Anne, The, 295. 

Mason, Captain, 239, 264, 265. 

Mason, Captain John, 289, 333. 

Massachusetts, Captain Dermer 
mentions, 81; Weston's col- 
ony, 105 et seq.; Gorges' 
settlement, 126 et seq.; Mor- 
ton, 193 et seq.; the Church, 
224; Gardiner, 236; Roger 
Williams, 248 ; Trouble about 
settling on the Connecticut, 
249 et seq., 271 et seq.; 
Alden arrested, 255 et seq.; 
New Plymouth seeks help 
against the French, 267 et 
seq.; Trade with Pequots, 
280; Boundaries between 
Massachusetts and New Ply- 
mouth, 298 et seq.; Trouble 
with Narragansetts, 321 et 
seq . ; Confederation of United 
Colonies, 321; Treaty with 
same, 334. 



Massasoyt visits New Plymouth, 
79; Treaty, 79, 86; Inter- 
course, 94, 96, 97; Illness, 
112. 

Masterson, Richard, 252. 

Maurice, Prince of Orange, 170. 

Mayflower, The, 45, 50, 57, 62, 
202; List of passengers in, 
340 et seq. 

May-pole at Merry Mount, 195. 

Meekesano, 337. 

Merchant Adventurers, see Ad- 
venturers. 

Merrimac River, 114. 

Merry Mount, 195. 

Miantinomo, 324, 325, 328. 

Milford-Haven, 235. 

Millsop, Thomas, 176. 

Minter, Desire, 340. 

Mixano, 334. 

Mohawks, 289; Kill Sassacus, 
291; Mentioned, 330. 

Monhegan, 104, 131, 171, 

Monhiggs, attacked by Narra- 
gansetts, 291 (see also Uncas). 

Mononotto, 290. 

More, Ellen, Jasper, and Richard, 

340- 

Morrell, Rev. William, 131, 

Morton, George, 40. 

Morton, Thomas, in Massachu- 
setts, 194 et seq.; Arrested, 
198; Allerton brings him to 
New Plymouth, 205, 206; 
Imprisoned in Boston, 206; 
Gives evidence against Wins- 
low, 265. 

Mott, Thomas, 175. 

Mount Wollaston, 194 et seq. 

MuUins, William, 52; and family, 

341. 
Munisses Island, 281. 

Namasket, 81. 
Namassakett, 87. 
Namskeket Creek, 180. 
Nantasket, 162, 197. 
Nanton, Sir Robert, 25. 
Narragansetts, 86 ; Send challenge 

to settlers, 93 et seq., 107; 

Wampum used by , 1 93 ; Allies 



350 



INDEX 



of the English against the 
Pequots, 280, 283 et seq.; 
Plot against the EngUsh, 320 
etseq.; Treaty with, 334, 337. 

Nash, Mr., 41. 

Natawanute, 251. 

Naumkeag, see Salem. 

Nauset (Eastham), 81, 87, 302. 

Neepnetts, The, 290, 

Nequamkeck, Falls of, 254. 

Newbald, Fria., 176. 

Newcomin, John, 224. 

New England, First patent for, 
etc., 37, 75, 80; Second pat- 
ent, 119; Fishing rights of 
the Council of, 120; Captain 
Gorges, Governor General, 
126; Help of Council sought, 
166, 167; Confederation of 
Colonies of, 321. 

Newfoundland, 80. » 

New Haven, 310, 322 et seq., 334. 

New Plymouth, discovery of the 
site, 67 et seq.; Dermer's 
description of (Patuxet), 81; 
Boundary question settled, 
298 et seq., 327; Leading 
men move from, 310; Sug- 
gested removal of the Church, 
326 et seq. 

Newtown, 273. 

Norton, Captain, 260. 

Norton, Rev. John, 274. 

Nottinghamshire, 7. 

Novatians, 5. 

Nowell, Increase, 269. 

Nyanticks, The, alUes of Narra- 
gansetts, 328, 329; Treaty 
with the English, 334-337- 

Oldham, John, in league with 
Lyford, 145 et seq.; Sen- 
tenced and expelled, 154; Re- 
turns, 1^8; Confession, 159; 
Killed, 1^59, 281. 

Oporto, 222. 

Orania (Orange), Fort, 192. 

Ossamequine, 335. 

Paddy, WiUiam, 309. 
Pampiamett, 329, 



Paragon, The, 118 et seq. 

Partridge, Ralph, discusses bap- 
tism with Chauncey, 310. 

Passaconaway, 335. 

Patrick, Captain, 289. 

Patuxet (New Plymouth), 81. 

Peach, Arthur, 293. 

Pelham, Herbert, 337. 

Pemaquid, 270. 

Pemberton, John, 147. 

Pennington, William, 175. 

Penobscot, mentioned by Der* 
mer, 8 1 ; Trading-house at, 
209, 221, 227; Robbed by 
the French, 236, 267 et seq. 

Pequots, The, Wampum used by, 
193; In Connecticut, 249; 
Seek friendship of Massachu- 
setts, 280; War with the 
EngHsh, 283 et seq.; Under 
protection of Uncas, 324. 

Perkins, Mr., 5. 

Perrin, William, 176. 

Pessecuss, 333, 335, 337. 

Peters, Hugh, 312. 

Pickering, Edward, 39, 40, 99 et 
seq. 

Pierce, John, 52, loi, 105, 118; 
Trouble with, about Patent, 
118, 119. 

Pierce, Captain William, the 
Paragon in storm, 120; the 
Anne, 121; the Charity, 135; 
Partner with Ashley, 208, 
227, 242; the Lyon, 244: 
wrecked off Virginia, 245; 
Beaver sent by, 277; Takes 
Indians to West Indies, 290. 

Pinchon, William, 269. 

Piscataqua, 114, 131, 171, 182, 
197; Hocking's death enrages 
settlement at, 254; Lord Say 
and Lord Brook interested in, 

255- 
Plague, The, see London. 
Plymouth (England), ships put 

in at, 57; Mayflower sails 

from, 62. 
Pocock, John, 175. 
Point Care, 64. 
Pokanokets, 8i. 



INDEX 



351 



PoKander, John, i8. 

Portsmouth, 120, 166. 

Pory, John, 108, 109. 

Powows, 82. 

Poynton, Daniel, 175. 

Priest, Digerie, 343. 

Prince, Thomas, chosen governor, 

253, 293 ; Mentioned, 257, 

307, 308, 337. 
Providence, 331. 
Prower, Solomon, 341. 
Pumham, 335. 
Pummunish, 329, 336, 337. 
Puritans, origin of term, 5. 

Quarles, William, 175. 

Rasdell, Mr., 194. 

Rasieres, see De Rasieres. 

Rayner, Rev. John, 282, 309, 

Rehoboth, 302. 

Revell, John, 176. 

Reynolds, Captain, 45; The 
Speedwell, 57; Mentioned, 
104. 

Rigdale, John, and family, 342. 

Riggs, Sergeant, 289. 

Robinson, Rev. John, 14; Goes 
to Holland, 22, 27; Disputes 
with Arminius, 28; Corre- 
spondence with Sandys, 40; 
with Worstenholme, 43; with 
John Carver, 39, 53; Letter 
to Pilgrims, 54; to Bradford, 
139; to Brewster, 140; Death 
of, 169 et seq. 

Rogers, Thomas, and family, 342. 

Rookes, Newman, 175. 

Sagadahoc, wreck at, 172. 
Salem (Naumkeag), 162, 197, 201 ; 

The church at, 213, 224; 

Roger WilUams at, 248. 
Salt-making, 136, 143 et seq. 
Saly (Sailer), 166. 
Samoset, 79. 
Samson, Henry, 342. 
Sanders, John, no. 
Sandwich, 302 {see also Manomet). 
Sandys, Sir Edwin, 27 et seq., 30, 

31. 



Sassacus, 289, 291. 

Satucket, 81. 

Say, Lord, 255, 259. 

Scituate, 298-302, 310. 

Seekonk, 302, 333. 

Sharpe, Samuel, 175. 

Sherley, James, one of the original 
adventurers, a letter from, 
135,136; the principal adven- 
turer in the new partnership, 
175, 188 et seq., 202, 218, 
219, 228 et seq., 246 et seq.; 
Withholds accounts, 266 et 
seq.; Discharged as agent, 
292; Settlement with, 305 
et seq. 

Shoanan, 335. 

Sibsie, Mr., 181. 

Skelton, Samuel, 214, 215. 

Smallpox among the Indians, 261. 

Smith, Francis, 331. 

Smith, John, 64; His map, 299. 

Smith, Rev., John, 7, 14. 

Smith, Rev. Ralph, 212, 282. 

Smith, Sir Thomas, 31. 

Sokanoke, 335. 

Southampton, arrival at and de- 
parture from, 50, 56. 

Souther, Nathaniel, 309. 

Southworth, Edward, letter from 
Cushman, 59. 

Sowams, 80. 

Sowle, George, 340. 

Sparrow, The, 102. 

Speedwell, The, 49, 57. 

Squanto, 79 et seq.; Death of, 
109, no. 

Standish, Myles, commands land- 
ing party, 67; nurses the 
sick, 77; Expeditions under, 
109, 112, 198, 255, 268, 333: 
Lyford's aspersions on, 152; 
In England, 166; Mentioned, 
186, 189; Moves from New 
Plymouth, 311; Family, 341, 

Stanton, Thomas, 289. 

Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 30. 

Stinnings, Richard, 293. 

Stone, Captain, 259 et seq., 28c. 

Story, Elias, 340. 

Stoughton, Israel, 290, 300. 



352 



INDEX 



Talbot, The, 202. 

Tarantines, 88. 

Tassaquanawite, 335. 

Taunton, 302. 

Thomson, David, at Piscataqua, 

131, 171, 172, 
Thomson, Edward, 341. 
Thorned, John, 176. 
Thornhill, Matthew, 176. 
Tilden, Joseph, 176. 
Tilhe, Edward, and family, 342. 
Tinker, Thomas, and family, 342. 
Trask, Captain, 289. 
Trevor, William, 104, 343. 
Trumball, William, 240. 
Tucker's Terror, 64. 
Turner, John, 45 ; and family, 343. 

Uncas, 291, 324, 327 et seq., 330, 
334 et seq. 

United Colonies of New England, 
articles of agreement be- 
tween, 321 et seq. 

Vane, Sir Harry, 283, 291. 

Vines, Richard, 231. 

Virginia, idea of settling in, 24 et 
seq., 59; Council of Virginia 
Company, 25, 26, 30, 33, 75; 
Soil compared with New Eng- 
land, 81; Massacre in, 107; 
Settlers bound for, stay at 
New Plymouth, 178 et seq.; 
William Pierce wrecked off, 
245- 

Walloons, 17. 

Wampum, first trade in, 193. 

Ward, Thomas, 176. 

Warren, Richard, and family, 342. 

Warwick, Earl of, 204, 338. 

Waughwamino, 336. 

Weequashcooke, 335. 

Weesagascussett, 197. 

Weetowish, 329, 336, 337. 

Weld, Thomas, 312. 

West, Captain Francis, 120, 126. 

Weston, Andrew, 102. 

Weston, Thomas, the chief of the 
original London Adventurers, 
33, 36 et seq.; Letters to John 



Carver, 90, 98, 99; Letters to 
Governor Bradford, 100 et 
seq. ; New Plymouth receives 
his colonists, 105; Settlement 
in Masachusetts, 105, 109 et 
seq.; Comes over disguised 
114; Generous treatment at 
New Plymouth, 114; Tried 
and arrested by Captain 
Gorges, 126 et seq.; His 
death, 131. 

Westminster, 276. 

Weymouth, 300, 301. 

White, Mr., 161. 

White, John, 175. 

White, Rev. Roger, letter from, 
169. 

White, William, and family, 341. 

White Angel, The, purchase of, 
218 et seq.; let out to AUer- 
ton, 234; sold to AUerton, 
241 ; settlement for, 307. 

Wilder, Roger, 340. 

Wilkinson, Captain Edward, 276, 
277. 

Willett, Thomas, 267, 

Williams, Rev. Roger, 248 et seq., 

294. 331- 

Williams, Thomas, 343. 

Wilson, Dr., 290. 

Wilson, John, 225. 

Wincot, Jacob, 33. 

Windbank, Master Secretary, 239. 

Winnisimmet, 197. 

Winslow, Edward, letter to Car- 
ver and Cushman, 41 ; Visits 
Massasoyt, 8^; Buys sup- 
plies from ships, 107; Brings 
first cattle from England, 
134; His charges against 
Lyford in England, 158, 160 
et seq.; Trades up the Ken- 
nebec, 168; In England in- 
vestigating affairs, 227 et 
seq.; Governor, 246, 275, 
326; His petition, 263 et seq. ; 
Imprisoned, 265 ; Moves from 
New Plymouth, 311; Re- 
mains in England four years, 
339; His family, 340. 

Winslow, Gilbert, 343. 



INDEX 



353 



Winslow, Joslas, Accountant, 236, 
278, 306, 307. 

Winthrop, Governor John, Letters 
about Gardiner, 238, 239; 
About Pequots, 280, 283, 288, 
289; Mentioned, 224, 258, 
259, 269, 302, 324, 337. 

Wipetock, 336. 

WoUaston, Captain, 194 et seq. 



Worstenholme, Sir John, 28, 30, 

31- 
Wright, Richard, 176. 

Yarmouth, 302. 
Yeardley, Sir George, 31. 
Yorkshire, 7. 
Young, Joseph, 294. 

Zealand, 10. 







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